Category Archives: Police violence

Vallejo Police Dept bans carotid control hold, “focuses on assessment and reform”

Vallejo police chief bans officers from using carotid hold

Vallejo Times-Herald, by John Glidden, June 18, 2020 
Williams

Vallejo police Chief Shawny Williams issued a special order banning his officers from using a controversial restraint as the department begins to flesh out its use of force and de-escalation police, the department announced Thursday.

Officers can no longer apply a carotid control hold, also known as a vascular neck constraint, while attempting to subdue aggressive or resistant individuals.

“This immediate ban of the carotid control hold is the right thing to do as our department focuses on assessment and reform,” said Williams in a statement released by the department on Thursday. “I also think it’s important for the Vallejo community to know that the carotid control hold is not a stranglehold or a chokehold; those types of holds were never authorized by VPD and do not reflect our values as a department.”

Vallejo Mayor Bob Sampayan took to social media after the news release was issued to register his approval with the decision, saying if the hold isn’t “done correctly (it) could injure a person.”

“This restraint has no place in policing,” he said.

Vallejo’s ban comes two weeks after Gov. Gavin Newsom told the California Commission on Peace Officer Standards and Training (POST) to stop teaching the restraint as the hold blocks the flow of blood to the brain.

“We train techniques on strangleholds that put people’s lives at risk,” Newsom said. “That has no place any longer in 21st-century practices and policing.”

The hold requires an officer to place his/her arm on the sides of the person’s neck. As the officer begins to apply pressure, blood flow is blocked in the carotid arteries, causing the person to lose consciousness. Applied too long, the hold can cause serious injury or death.

Williams’ announcement follows the unveiling of a new proposed implementation plan based off a 70-page report by the OIR Group which analyzed the operations, culture and internal review of the department. The consultant made 45 recommendations which focus on three major areas: protecting the community, build trust and communication, and 21st century policing.

Retained last summer, OIR Group received $40,000 to review the department’s officer training, hiring, promotional processes, transparency, community engagement, resource assessment, and internal review of deadly force incidents.

While some California police unions promise change, others seek to undo reforms

San Francisco Chronicle, by Joe Garofoli, June 18, 2020
Demonstrators take a knee in an intersection, blocking traffic, and have a moment of silence for 8 minutes and 46 seconds during a protest organized by a group of young people to support Black Lives Matter on June 16, 2020 in Mill Valley, Calif.
Demonstrators take a knee in an intersection, blocking traffic, and have a moment of silence for 8 minutes and 46 seconds during a protest organized by a group of young people to support Black Lives Matter on June 16, 2020 in Mill Valley, Calif. Photo: Kate Munsch / Special to The Chronicle

While three of California’s biggest local police unions are taking out full-page newspaper ads promising to back reforms, other law enforcement organizations have pumped more than $2 million into a November ballot measure that would partially overturn laws that some call models for reforming the criminal justice system.

Police unions have contributed more than half the nearly $4 million raised for the Reducing Crime and Keeping California Safe Act campaign. The ballot initiative would roll back provisions in three measures that were aimed at reducing the state’s prison population, including Proposition 47, a voter-approved 2014 initiative that reclassified several felony crimes as misdemeanors.

The measure would change Prop. 47 by allowing prosecutors to charge a defendant with a felony for a third offense of stealing something worth more than $250. Prop. 47 raised the felony threshold for theft to $950 from $450.

“It is a measured approach to correct the problems we had with Prop. 47,” said Brian Marvel, president of the Peace Officers Research Association of California, the state’s largest law enforcement labor organization, representing more than 77,000 public safety workers.

The ballot measure would also change parts of AB109, a 2011 law that transferred the responsibility for many nonviolent felons from state prisons to county jails. It would require the Board of Parole Hearings to consider an inmate’s whole criminal history when deciding on parole, not just the person’s most recent crime.

The initiative would also alter Proposition 57, a 2016 ballot measure that made it easier for nonviolent felons to win parole. It would expand the list of crimes that would not be eligible for early parole to include felony domestic violence and other violations.

“There were some good pieces in Prop. 47 and 57, but it was overly broad,” Marvel said.

Prop. 47 and the other two measures were part of the response to a 2011 federal court order that California cut the number of inmates in its overcrowded prisons by 34,000 within two years.

In this photo taken Friday, Feb. 13, 2015, Assemblyman Adam Gray, D-Merced talks with Assemblywoman Melissa Melendez, R-Lake Elsinore, at the Capitol in Sacramento, Calif. Four months after California voters approved Proposition 47, which reduced penalties for certain crimes, state lawmakers and law enforcement officials are lining up to repeal portions they say went too far. Gray and Melendez have introduced legislation that would restore the felony charge for stealing guns, if the measure is approved by the Legislature and by voters next year.(AP Photo/Rich Pedroncelli)
In this photo taken Friday, Feb. 13, 2015, Assemblyman Adam Gray, D-Merced talks with Assemblywoman Melissa Melendez, R-Lake Elsinore, at the Capitol in Sacramento, Calif. Four months after California voters approved Proposition 47, which reduced penalties for certain crimes, state lawmakers and law enforcement officials are lining up to repeal portions they say went too far. Gray and Melendez have introduced legislation that would restore the felony charge for stealing guns, if the measure is approved by the Legislature and by voters next year. (AP Photo/Rich Pedroncelli)

Besides reducing the prison population, Prop. 47 and AB109 combined to lower the overall arrest rate per 100,000 residents by nearly 20%, according to a 2019 report by the nonpartisan Public Policy Institute of California.

Prop. 47 has also helped to steer money away from incarceration. The law required that the state spend the money it saved by not imprisoning more nonviolent felons on social and educational programs — an example of “defund the police” initiatives that many reformers are calling for now. This year, the state will redirect nearly $103 million in this way, according to the California Department of Finance.

Reform advocates say the November ballot measure would be difficult to square economically with a state budget that has plunged into the red with the coronavirus pandemic. A report to be released Thursday by the Center on Juvenile and Criminal Justice, a nonpartisan organization in San Francisco that works to reduce reliance on incarceration, found that the changes proposed by the ballot measure could cost California “hundreds of millions of dollars in new annual costs” to take care of more people in prison and monitor more felons on probation.

In San Francisco, the measure could mean up to $7.5 million in additional annual costs, and Alameda County’s total could rise by $26 million, the study found.

“It’s a prison spending scam at a time when we are actively closing prisons and reallocating funds toward what’s needed in communities,” said Dan Newman, a political strategist who is working on the opposition campaign. “They’re doubling down on solidifying their places on the wrong side of history at a critical moment.”

Demonstrators march onto a Hwy 101 overpass during a protest organized by a group of young people to support Black Lives Matter on June 16, 2020 in Mill Valley, Calif.
Demonstrators march onto a Hwy 101 overpass during a protest organized by a group of young people to support Black Lives Matter on June 16, 2020 in Mill Valley, Calif. Photo: Kate Munsch / Special to The Chronicle

The ballot measure’s supporters started the initiative campaign long before the Minneapolis police killing of George Floyd touched off anti-brutality protests across the country, and they’re not changing their approach now.

“Why should we? We just want reform, too” said Kelli Reid, a consultant to the campaign.

The campaign’s website says the past decade’s changes have led to “an explosion of serial theft and an inability of law enforcement to prosecute these crimes effectively.” The initiative’s proponents say they want to change parole rules because “parolees who repeatedly violate the terms of their parole currently face few consequences, allowing them to remain on the street.”

“If I stab you or beat you with a baseball bat, those are considered nonviolent crimes under the penal code (now),” said Assemblyman Jim Cooper, D-Elk Grove (Sacramento County), a former Sacramento County sheriff’s captain who supports the measure. “These are not crazy things we’re proposing.”

A 2018 study by the Public Policy Institute of California, however, found “no evidence that violent crime increased as a result of Proposition 47.” The report did find that “it may have contributed to a rise in larceny thefts, which increased by roughly 9 percent” from 2014 to 2016.

Some leading Prop. 47 advocates see a contrast between the ballot measure and promises by local police unions to back changes in law enforcement.

Vallejo Times-Herald: 3 news features on Vallejo police

The following 3 articles appeared on June 15 and 16 in the Vallejo Times-Herald.  Many thanks to reporter John Glidden and VT-H staff for covering this intensely important issue in a time of crisis and needed change.  We are especially appreciative for the link to the 74-page report, “VALLEJO POLICE DEPARTMENT: Independent Assessment of Operations, Internal Review Systems, and Agency Culture.”  – Roger Straw


Vallejo City Council to review analysis of police department

BY JOHN GLIDDEN, June 15, 2020

The Vallejo City Council will get its first public view on Tuesday of a report analyzing the operations, culture and internal review of the Vallejo Police Department.

The 70-page assessment prepared by the OIR Group praises the hard work done by Vallejo police but it does note an us versus them mentality as “the prevailing sentiment (in the department) was that officers who are willing to contend with dangerous crime in a thankless environment should at least be empowered to do so without unnecessary scrutiny or interference.”

“Much of the department seems to have an aggrieved perspective toward local politicians, the media, and its critics in the activist and legal communities (including an active plaintiffs’ bar),” the report states…. [continued]


Vallejo’s police union files restraining order to block release of officer’s name involved in Monterrosa shooting

BY JOHN GLIDDEN, June 16, 2020

The Vallejo police union filed a temporary restraining order in Solano Superior Court on Monday to prevent the city from releasing the name of any officer involved in the fatal police shooting of 22-year-old Sean Monterrosa, according to court records and a union representative.

Vallejo officials said Tuesday that the city intends to oppose the restraining order and release the names of the involved officer(s) on its own terms…. [continued]


Vallejo Police Department banned from training on Touro’s campus following union’s Facebook post

BY JOHN GLIDDEN, June 16, 2020

Vallejo police will not longer be allowed to train on Touro University California’s Mare Island campus after the police union issued a statement Saturday criticizing those protesting the death of Sean Monterrosa.Touro University California Provost Dr. Sarah M. Sweitzer said the university was “appalled” by the statement from the Vallejo Police Officer’s Association questioning those attending the march, she wrote in a June 13 message posted to the university’s web page.

“As a community that stands against systemic racism and institutionalized inequity… [continued]

Police Disciplinary Records Are Largely Kept Secret In US

FILE - In this June 7, 2020, file photo, protesters participate in a Black Lives Matter rally on Mount Washington overlooking downtown Pittsburgh, to protest the death of George Floyd, who died after being restrained by Minneapolis police officers on May 25. In recent years, there have been dozens of examples of officers who had numerous complaints against them of excessive force, harassment or other misconduct before they were accused of killing someone on duty. (AP Photo/Gene J. Puskar, File)
Gene J. Puskar, ASSOCIATED PRESS
Associated Press, by Claudia Lauer and Colleen Long, June 12, 2020

PHILADELPHIA (AP) — Officer Derek Chauvin had more than a dozen misconduct complaints against him before he put his knee on George Floyd’s neck. Daniel Pantaleo, the New York City officer who seized Eric Garner in a deadly chokehold, had eight. Ryan Pownall, a Philadelphia officer facing murder charges in the shooting of David Jones, had 15 over five years.

But the public didn’t know about any of that until the victims’ deaths.

Citizen complaints against police across the U.S. are largely kept secret, either under the law or by union contract — a practice some criminal justice experts say deprives the public of information that could be used to root out problem officers before it’s too late.

In recent years, there have been dozens of examples of officers who had numerous complaints against them of excessive force, harassment or other misconduct before they were accused of killing someone on duty.

Confidentiality “makes it really tough for the public to know just who it is they are dealing with and to know whether their department or any particular officer is one they would want out in the streets,” said David Harris, a University of Pittsburgh law professor who studies police behavior.

While the U.S. considers ways to reform American policing following the sometimes violent protests that erupted nationwide over Floyd’s death in Minneapolis, complaint data is getting renewed attention as a way to track and correct rogue officers and perhaps head off more serious instances of brutality.

Both Democratic and Republican reform bills in Congress would make officers’ disciplinary records public and create a national database of allegations — a shift in political will that didn’t exist just a few years ago.

Police advocates argue that withholding allegations is necessary to protect officers’ privacy and keep them safe. Police unions have fought in contract negotiations and in state legislatures for confidentiality. In some cases, records are erased after as little as two years.

“The unfettered release of police personnel records will allow unstable people to target police officers and our families for harassment or worse,” said Patrick Lynch, head of the Patrolmen’s Benevolent Association in New York City. “A dangerous cop-hater only needs a police officer’s name, linked to a few false or frivolous complaints, to be inspired to commit violence.”

Personal information on officers is already being leaked online, according to an intelligence document from the U.S. Department of Homeland Security, obtained by The Associated Press.

Police unions argue, too, that the overwhelming majority of complaints are deemed unsubstantiated after internal investigations. But that argument carries no weight with the many activists who say police departments tend to protect their own.

Out of about 5,000 complaints brought against New York City officers last year for offenses such as discourtesy, excessive force and abuse of authority, 24% were substantiated, according to the city’s independent Civilian Complaint Review Board.

Bowling Green State University criminologist Phil Stinson, who has collected data on thousands of police charged, investigated or convicted of crimes, said that most officers go through their careers with few complaints against them, and that generally a small percentage of officers account for an outsize share of complaints.

Stinson recalled an Atlanta officer who had a personnel file full of “frightfully similar” complaints from women of sexual misconduct. It wasn’t until his file was leaked to a local TV station that he faced any discipline.

Around 40% of current New York City police officers have never received a civilian complaint, while 32% have one or two, and one officer has 52, the highest, according to the review board.

In New York, Pantaleo, the officer who put Garner in a chokehold in 2014 but was not indicted in his death, had eight disciplinary cases of abuse and excessive force, four of which were substantiated. But his record was secret until a staff member at the review board leaked it. The staffer later resigned.

New York legislators this week voted to repeal the law that kept officers’ names secret along with specifics about complaints made against them. The repeal passed largely along party lines, and Democratic Gov. Andrew Cuomo signed it Friday.

Chris Dunn, legal director of the New York Civil Liberties Union, rejected the notion, advanced largely by Republicans, that police disciplinary records should be kept private like medical information.

“They have no privacy interest in acts of misconduct, in the use of force or the killing of civilians,” he said. “When a police officer walks out the door in uniform, they’re a public official, and all of their conduct should be subject to public scrutiny.”

In Philadelphia, Pownall’s record was made public along with that of a few other officers named in hundreds of complaints after reporters filed freedom of information requests in 2018. As for Chauvin, who is charged with murder in Floyd’s death, his records became public after similar requests — and the details are still being withheld.

Many departments disclose portions of officers’ complaint files. Some release files only for certain time periods. Some withhold complaints if the internal investigation did not substantiate them. Others, like many Texas departments, hold back cases that did not result in a suspension or firing. But in most cases, the information is released only if the person requesting it names the officer.

But by the time a reporter or member of the public knows the officer’s name, it can be too late.

In Scottsdale, Arizona, Officer James Peters was involved in seven shootings from 2002 to 2012 that led to six deaths. Six of those shootings were deemed justified by the department. In the final case, Peters killed an unarmed man holding his 7-month-old grandson.

The city paid $4 million to the victim’s family to settle a lawsuit that noted Peters had at least two previous complaints, including a reprimand for mishandling a gun he pointed at his own face.

Some states, cities and police departments are working toward transparency, however grudgingly.

A 2018 California law requires departments to start releasing information about misconduct claims, though only when officers are found to have improperly used force or fired their weapons, committed sexual assaults on the job or been dishonest in their official duties.

Several departments responded by destroying decades of records. Others filed lawsuits asking that the law not apply to files from before the law took effect in 2019.

A court ruling in a lawsuit in Chicago opened up the system there a few years ago. A data program created by an activist and journalist at the center of the lawsuit has even been used by members of the department to look at others’ files when they are assigned new partners or new officers are transferred into their units.

Philadelphia Police Commissioner Danielle Outlaw and Mayor Jim Kenney pledged this week to publish a detailed quarterly report on complaints against city officers.

But that report, like the complaint data currently available online, will be scrubbed of all details, including the names of any officer, accuser or witness, said City Manager Brian Abernathy.

“I think we still recognize that officers are employees,” he said. “We’re trying to balance their rights and the public’s right for transparency.”

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Long reported from Lowell, Indiana. Associated Press writer Jacques Billeaud in Phoenix contributed to this report.