Crude by rail on the 2015 Congress’ legislative agenda

Repost from Politico
[Editor: this story ranges across all modes of transportation.  I have highlighted in red all references to crude by rail.  Note the significant roles to be played by “Rep. Bill Shuster (R-Pa.), who as chairman of the House Transportation Committee is tasked with writing each of the transportation bills and and shepherding them through the lower chamber…. and Rep. Peter DeFazio (D-Ore.), incoming ranking member of the committee.”  – RS]

Loaded transportation agenda could easily be derailed

By Adam Snider, 1/2/15

There’s a laundry list of things transportation lawmakers want to get done in 2015, but they could easily be stymied by old foes, primarily a lack of money and partisan wrangling ahead of the 2016 presidential election.

Lawmakers from both chambers face a to-do list that includes major legislation affecting just about every mode: aviation, passenger and freight rail, highways, bridges, transit and water resources.

Not all the action will be on Capitol Hill — there will be plenty to do a mile down New Jersey Avenue at the Transportation Department.

Regulators are hoping to put out rules early in the year on hot-button issues such as commercial drones and the safety of rail cars that carry volatile crude oil. Also pending is a rule that would ban cellphone conversations on planes and a slew of policy changes mandated by the last surface transportation bill two years ago.

“Every one of the subcommittees has the potential to do a pretty significant piece of legislation,” said Rep. Bill Shuster (R-Pa.), who as chairman of the House Transportation Committee is tasked with writing each of the transportation bills and and shepherding them through the lower chamber.

“We’re going to be busy,” Rep. Peter DeFazio (D-Ore.), incoming ranking member of the committee, said after ticking off a long list of major bills the panel faces.

Shuster and other top lawmakers aren’t worried about a time crunch, though, because, they say, they’ve put in a lot of work on all the major bills. But the price tag of the highway and transit measure — around $100 billion just for six years of status quo funding — could easily steer it off course. And it could also get bogged down in another round of debates over how the money is divvied up among the states as well as transit’s slice of gas tax dollars.

There’s a strong and diverse coalition of groups — including business, labor and motorists — that have pushed for a gas tax increase as a way to increase federal spending on roads, bridges and transit systems. But that idea is largely a nonstarter on Capitol Hill; instead, support is building for using portions of revenues raised from corporate tax reform as a way to pay for increased infrastructure spending.

That path, however, has its own set of roadblocks. While it enjoys bipartisan support, including from polar opposites such as President Barack Obama and Sen. Rand Paul (R-Ky.), getting it done on the Hill is no sure thing. Some lawmakers could push for a broader tax overhaul package, an ambitious goal that could further complicate issues as members bicker over the nation’s overall tax structure. Even infrastructure boosters complain that it would be onetime revenue, and not a long-term fix.

No matter what happens, though, lawmakers will have to address the Highway Trust Fund early in 2015 — the fund that pays for road, bridge and transit work will go insolvent by May. Even a simple one-year extension, which must be enacted by May 30, would cost around $15 billion because the trust fund takes in far less in gas tax revenues than it is authorized to spend each year.

Another major reauthorization, of the Federal Aviation Administration, doesn’t face the same money problem — the Airport and Airway Trust Fund that pays for over 80 percent of the bill isn’t in the same financial peril. It is increasingly under strain, however, and discussions have begun about whether and how to switch to some new system of financing, including possible privatization.

But the FAA bill brings its own set of policy disputes. West Coast lawmakers will undoubtedly again push to increase the number of long-distance flights into and out of Ronald Reagan Washington National Airport, the airport closest to the Capitol used by the vast majority of lawmakers. Republicans will scrutinize the multibillion-dollar cost of NextGen, a new air traffic control system that is taking years to implement. The airport and airline lobbies will scrap over whether to raise the current cap on fees passengers pay to use certain airports. And members of both parties will prod the FAA to chart a clear path forward on drones, which to date have been addressed through a series of one-off rulings.

Lawmakers also want to address Amtrak, which saw its congressional authorization expire in 2013. The House Transportation Committee unanimously approved a bipartisan measure in 2014, but things could get more complicated when the full House takes it up. Some hard-line lawmakers want to end Amtrak’s $1.4 billion-per-year federal subsidy, while some Democrats would like to boost the railroad’s funding to help it address a backlog of deteriorating infrastructure.

The Amtrak bill could also ignite a regional battle — the House measure ensures that money made by the profitable Northeast Corridor, the area between D.C. and Boston, gets plowed back into that region’s operations. For the rest of the country, where nearly all Amtrak routes lose money, keeping service levels intact would mean states — facing their own budget shortfalls — would need to offer more money.

Hill politicians also face work on another water resources bill in 2016, though the overwhelming bipartisan support for the 2014 version makes that less of a concern. There’s also a rail safety bill on the horizon that could offer a chance to deal with the rising number of trains carrying crude oil, several of which have had headline-grabbing accidents and spills.

The DOT will also be grappling with how to stem the tide of oil train accidents. Officials hope to put out a rule in early 2015 that would set a new standard for the tank cars that carry crude and other volatile materials. The so-called cromnibus, which was recently enacted, moved the deadline for that rule up by about two months, to Jan. 15. However, most regard that as a statement from Congress more than a hard and fast deadline considering the timing.

That’s not the only regulation expected in early 2015 — regulators also aim to issue a broad rule on drones use and licensing to address the rising number of remote-controlled aircraft that can pose a major safety hazard if they get near large passenger planes. That rule was supposed to come out in 2014, but the complicated nature of the issue led the FAA’s assistant chief counsel to recently say the goal of putting it out by then was “slipping away.”

2015 could also see regulatory action to ban cellphone conversations on planes. The FCC kicked off the issue by ruling that there was no reason to continue its technical ban on in-flight calls, which set off a firestorm of worry and headlines about loud, obnoxious yakkers on flights. That led the DOT to begin its own proceeding, evaluating whether calls should remain banned under DOT’s consumer protection authority.

A string of high-profile disputes over reclining airline seats only added to the worry that phone-based brawls would be breaking out every week. And with the support of a number of lawmakers on the Hill, DOT shouldn’t run into much resistance when it formalizes the ban on in-flight cell conversations.

DOT is also facing a long list of rules implementing various parts of MAP-21, the highway and transit bill enacted in 2012, including setting performance measures to gauge how effective certain projects are at meeting each state’s transportation goals — a topic bicycle and pedestrian advocates have used to push for better safety measures.

CBS News: Kansas derailment raises vital rail safety questions

Repost from CBS News
[Editor: Apologies for the commercial ad in the otherwise excellent video.  – RS]

Kansas derailment raises vital rail safety questions

January 3, 2015

Rail safety is back in the spotlight after a new warning from federal regulators.

The National Transportation Safety Board is urging railroads to take immediate action following its investigation of a derailment in Kansas. No one was hurt in the derailment, but it raised new questions about whether America’s rail network — carrying cargo and passengers — is as safe as it could be, CBS News’ Mark Albert reports.

The collision in September between two Union Pacific freight trains in Galva, Kansas, may have come down, in part, to a light bulb.

In a news release Friday, the NTSB said a green LED light was so bright it out-shined the old-fashioned, incandescent red stoplight nearby. The engineer accelerated, plowing into an oncoming train.

The NTSB now wants all railroads to eliminate any lighting hazards nationwide. It’s the latest in a string of safety issues in the past 18 months on America’s 140,000 miles of rails.

“What we know is the regulators are behind the curve,” said former NTSB chair Deborah Hersman, who sounded the alarm about crude oil shipments in April. “We’re losing cars. We’re losing millions of gallons of petroleum, and we aren’t prepared.”

Eight days later, train cars carrying crude oil derailed and caught fire along the James River in Virginia.

In December 2013, a derailment in North Dakota caused a huge fireball. And in July 2013, 47 people died after a derailment in Quebec, Canada. The train was carrying oil from North Dakota’s booming Bakken oil region.

McClatchy correspondent Curtis Tate acknowledges that the government and the railroads are making strides to make rail travel safer.

“Absolutely, they are,” he said. “The problem is it was too late for 47 people in Quebec.”

Tate published an investigation this week that found gaps in rail oversight, including:

The government lets railroads do their own bridge inspections.
There is no federal database on those bridge conditions, like there is with roads.

New rules that make railroads tell states when large oil shipments pass through only apply to higher-risk Bakken crude — not other types of oil.

“I’d like to think that they’re doing the best they can,” Tate said. “But the question is, will that be enough?”

In a statement to CBS News, the Association of American Railroads said the industry spends half a billion dollars per week on safety.

The Department of Transportation is expected to issue new federal rules by spring that may include stronger tank cars, tighter speed restrictions and tougher braking requirements.

San Francisco Chronicle: How crude-by-rail — and other debates — are censored

Repost from SFGate, Opinion Shop

How crude-by-rail — and other debates — are censored

By Lois Kazakoff, January 2, 2015
Valero seeks to modify its Benicia refinery to bring in two 50-car trains a day of crude oil.
How the crude-by-rail debate is censored… Valero seeks to modify its Benicia refinery to bring in two 50-car trains a day of crude oil. Photo By The Chronicle

When I wrote in November about how the mayor of Benicia was effectively muzzled from speaking about a pending city decision with nationwide importance, I thought the debate was over climate change. Now I learn the real concern is over democracy itself.

My Nov. 18 blog post concerned the City Council’s decision to make public an opinion on whether the mayor should be allowed to speak freely with voters about Valero’s application to convert its Benicia refinery to receive crude from the Baaken Oil Shale by rail. The decision is huge because fracking the crude is only profitable if the oil can reach refineries and the global market. Benicia’s refinery and port are key components to success.

Locally, Benicians and Californians living along the rail lines are fearful of train cars filled with the highly volatile crude rumbling through their communities twice a day. It’s a highly charged dispute that has drawn in Attorney General Kamala Harris, who chastised the city for only studying the effects on Benicia and not the effects along the entire rail line through California.

When the City Council voted to make public the opinion, written by an attorney hired by the city attorney, the decision was Mayor Elizabeth Patterson had overstepped her bounds.

Why? Because local politicians can advocate for new laws, but when they are holding a public hearing or ruling on a permit — acting more like judges than legislators — the permit applicant’s right to appear before an unbiased body trumps the legislator’s right to freely express an opinion.

Peter Scheer, the executive director of the First Amendment Coalition, writes in Sunday’s Insight section that this growing practice of advising City Council members to censor themselves is deleterious not just to political debate over important and engaging local issues but to democracy. By giving City Councils this dual role and then advising them to censor their own speech, we discourage civic participation  on the concerns constituents care about most.

San Francisco Chronicle OPINION: Can local legislators speak freely to voters? It depends

Repost from The San Francisco Chronicle, INSIGHT

Can local legislators speak freely to voters? It depends

By Peter Scheer, Friday, January 2, 2015

Local government, Republicans and Democrats agree, is the most democratic (with a small d) form of government. The closer government is to the people, the theory goes, the more accountable it is to voters and the more responsive to the public will. Congress is the most remote, hence least accountable; your local city council is the closest, therefore most attuned to your needs and interests.

Except in California and several other states where elected, local officials can find themselves in trouble for doing exactly what elected local officials are supposed to do. Things like communicating regularly with citizens; staking out clear positions on issues that constituents care about; listening to voters’ complaints about the status quo and promising, if elected (or re-elected), to make specific changes.

These communications are the lifeblood of democracy. They enable voters to make meaningful choices among candidates, while providing elected officials the information they need to represent the people’s interests. The resulting feedback loop between politicians and voters is political expression of the highest order, entitled to the fullest, most robust First Amendment protection.

And yet this paradigm of government accountability is under a cloud of uncertainty.

The cause: legal rulings that force legislative bodies to function like courts when they make decisions that are — to use the applicable legalese — “quasi-judicial” in nature. In such cases, the members of a city council, school board or county board of supervisors must be impartial and unbiased, more like judges than legislators.

What does this mean for a newly elected (or re-elected) city council member? Suppose the council will decide whether to approve expansion of a controversial housing development. If the member told voters during the election that she opposed expansion (because that is what she believed), then she may be forced — on grounds of bias — to abstain from the vote and all deliberations.

The upshot is that her constituents will be disenfranchised, which is no small penalty.

This collateral damage to free speech rights might be tolerable if local officials at least had a clear understanding of when it’s OK to act politically — that is, doing what voters want — and when, instead, they must act as disinterested judges, watching what they say and disregarding what voters say. But the fact is that the distinction between legislative acts and quasi-judicial acts is anything but clear.

Take, again, the real estate example. … If the proposed housing expansion comes before the city council as a zoning code amendment — ostensibly a legal change of general applicability but also necessary for the project to go forward — the council is probably free to proceed in legislative mode, taking politics into account and honoring members’ election promises. On the other hand, if the issue comes up as a vote on an application for a permit or license, the council members probably have to put on their judicial robes (figuratively speaking), ignore what voters say, and exclude from the process those council members who have spoken out on the issue.

The line separating legislative from quasi-judicial decisions is barely discernible to lawyers who practice in the government arena — much less to the amateur politicians who predominate on legislative bodies of cities, counties, school districts and the like.

Moreover, even in cases where the line is ultimately visible, elected officials may have no way of knowing, well in advance of the decision, whether the issue will be presented to the council as a legislative matter or a quasi-judicial matter.

Faced with this uncertainty, many council members do the only safe thing: They censor themselves.

Unsure whether they will have to act like judges on a particular issue, they will act more like judges than politicians on all issues. They will curb their interaction with voters. They will refrain from making political promises. When asked by reporters and voters to comment on a local controversy, they will resort to vague generalities, avoiding specifics at all costs.

The court rulings creating this uncertainty are not new. Some have been on the books for years. What is new is that lawyers representing local governments are relying on these rulings in their advice to local officials. Because their job is to keep their clients out of trouble, the lawyers are warning public officials to curb their comments, and their candor, about local issues.

The result is a cumulative weakening of democracy, and a diminishing of political discourse and debate on the local issues that citizens care most about.

Peter Scheer is the executive director of the First Amendment Coalition.

For safe and healthy communities…