Tag Archives: California Governor Gavin Newsom

KQED: California Considers More Drilling and Other Concessions to Big Oil as Refineries Plan to Close

Guy Mazorati interview with Severin Borenstein and Alex Nieves

A view of oil-well in action during sunset at Elk Hills Oil Field as gas prices on the rise in California, United States on April 14, 2024. (Tayfun Coskun/Anadolu via Getty Images)

KQED Forum, by Guy Marzorati, Aug 7, 2025

California has long gone head-to-head with big oil, leading many of the efforts to curb climate damage caused at the hands of the fossil fuel industry – including spearheading lawsuits against oil companies and pushing fracking bans.  But faced with the closure of two state refineries, and rising gas prices, Governor Gavin Newsom has made some major concessions on oil to not only keep the refineries open, but to draft a bill for more drilling in Kern county. We’ll talk about California’s changing relationship with the oil industry, the state’s efforts to phase out fossil fuels, and what’s going to happen to gas prices in the meantime.

Guests:

Severin Borenstein, faculty director, The Energy Institute at UC Berkeley’s Haas School of Business; member, Board of Governors of the California Independent System Operator

Alex Nieves, California transportation reporter, POLITICO

Tim Grayson, California State Senator for District 9 [in a later broadcast]

This partial transcript was computer-generated. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.

Guy Marzorati: This is Forum. I’m Guy Marzorati, in for Alexis Madrigal.

During Gavin Newsom’s time as governor of California, he’s had one constant foe — one year-in, year-out rival with whom he seems to relish every single fight — California’s oil and gas industry. But that all might be changing, as oil refineries announce closure plans in Los Angeles and here in Benicia, making California’s complex energy transition even more complicated for the governor and fellow Democrats in the state Capitol.

That’s what we’re going to be talking about this hour with Alex Nieves, California transportation reporter at Politico. Good morning, Alex.

Alex Nieves: Good morning. Thanks for having me.

Guy Marzorati: Great to have you with us. And Severin Borenstein, director of the Energy Institute at UC Berkeley’s Haas School of Business. Good morning, Severin.

Severin Borenstein: Good morning.

Guy Marzorati: Thanks so much for joining us. And later, we’ll talk with Tim Grayson, California state senator representing parts of Contra Costa County, including the refinery community in Martinez.

Alex, I want to start with you. We’ve seen Newsom go to the mat against the oil and gas industry for years. What’s going on now?

Alex Nieves: Yeah. As you mentioned, over the last four years, Governor Newsom has really gone much further than his predecessor, Jerry Brown — who focused on getting folks to transition to EVs and cleaner technologies but didn’t really target the supply side of the equation.

Governor Newsom, on the other hand, has made some strong efforts to target industry priorities. I think of the ban on fracking as one example. We’ve also seen, in a couple of special sessions, lawmakers pass legislation around a price cap and maintaining minimum storage at refineries to prevent shortages when refineries go offline.

Those are all things refiners say will backfire and cause refineries to close, leave the state, or change their business strategies. Those are threats we’ve seen for years, and they haven’t always materialized.

But there’s a big change this time around.

Phillips 66 last October announced it would be closing its facility in Wilmington in the Los Angeles area. Valero announced the pending closure of its Benicia facility in April — and that’s caused a real threat of a decline in refining capacity.

Whenever you lose capacity, you constrain supply. That means an increase in prices — and no lawmaker wants to be in power when gas prices go up.

So recently, we’ve seen the governor change course. The California Energy Commission has issued a slate of recommendations aimed at keeping these refineries open, and Newsom’s office is floating a draft bill that would do a number of things — most notably, streamline permitting for oil-rich Kern County.

Guy Marzorati: Do you have the sense that Newsom was caught off guard by the refinery closure announcements?

Alex Nieves: I do — maybe less so for Wilmington, which is one of the older facilities in the state and had signs this could happen. But Benicia is a facility that I’ve heard from sources wasn’t really on the table for immediate closure.

You could see it in the state’s messaging after the Wilmington closure was announced. Ty Milder, the governor’s oil czar, kind of pushed it aside and said the state could survive — it wasn’t an immediate concern.

Immediately after the Benicia refinery announcement, I think the state went into panic mode.

Guy Marzorati: And how much of this is about the result of last year’s election too? Because we saw Democrats come back to Sacramento this January with, like, a vow renewal on the cost of living — it was going to be a top priority. How do you see that playing into this conversation?

Alex Nieves: Yeah, and it’s not just in California. Nationally, we’re seeing the Democratic Party on a course correction — a focus on cost of living and affordability.

Notably, at the beginning of this session, Assembly Speaker Robert Rivas announced that anything that doesn’t fall within this affordability frame is something the state shouldn’t consider. And I, as a climate reporter, took that to include climate action.

Take a step back a couple of years — the governor and Attorney General Rob Bonta were spearheading a lawsuit to hold companies liable for climate-change-related damages. And as recently as last October, we were writing stories about how the oil industry’s influence was waning in the state.

That’s completely changed. And I do think it’s because Democrats are looking toward 2026 and trying not to seem tone-deaf. Every gubernatorial candidate we’ve seen so far has committed to keeping refineries open.

So yes — I think it’s a reflection that the Democratic Party feels like they may have missed where voters were in November.

Guy Marzorati: Severin Borenstein, do you see this as a major policy pivot by the Newsom administration?

Severin Borenstein: Oh yeah. It’s definitely a pivot.

The direction over the last few years has been to go after the refineries as a major source of high gasoline prices. And that was never really accurate.

If you look at how much money refineries are making — separate that from the profits made downstream in distribution, marketing, and retailing — the big differential, what I call the “mystery gasoline surcharge,” this extra amount Californians pay beyond the higher taxes and fees, is not at the refineries.

If you look at the spot price — the wholesale price of gasoline in California — it’s really not out of line with the rest of the country once you account for the cost of making our cleaner-burning gasoline.

We do have a real gasoline price problem, beyond the higher taxes and environmental fees, and that’s happening downstream.

So I think it’s unfortunate that a lot of people in Sacramento were saying the problem is these refineries are making too much money. The closure of these refineries now suggests that was clearly wrong — that, in fact, they don’t think they can make enough money.

Both of the refineries that are closing faced real environmental costs. They likely did the calculation: is it worth making the huge capital investments necessary to stay in business? Are we going to make enough money over the long run to pay for that?

All of this is happening in the context of California’s major push to reduce gasoline consumption — which has finally started to take hold.

The increase in EVs and higher-mileage hybrid vehicles has been reducing California’s gasoline demand. And as it drops, these refineries are rethinking whether it makes sense to invest.

Benicia was a particular point of pressure because they were under penalties for recent pollution emissions. They were also facing increased scrutiny, and the city was forming a new committee to oversee the refinery and enforce environmental restrictions.

Guy Marzorati: Right. There was local pressure as well. But Newsom has said, look, refineries across the globe are struggling. Is that true?

Severin Borenstein: Yeah. I think a lot of refineries, particularly the older ones, are not making a lot of money.

Going back to the 1970s, refining was not considered a great business. The big, vertically integrated companies made money extracting oil — they sort of broke even or worse on the refining side.

That changed in the ’90s when demand for gasoline took off, and for a while, refineries were making good money — even the less efficient ones.

But as demand has plateaued — and in California, started to decline — they haven’t been able to keep up those profits. So now we’re seeing pressure on them and some decisions to close.

And that’s going to happen. If California reduces gasoline consumption, these refineries will start to close. We need to plan for that — manage the closures, ensure a smooth supply of gasoline, even as we gradually lose refineries.

Guy Marzorati: Yeah. Alex, what are you hearing in the legislature about that planning? Are those plans being made? How is this transition unfolding?

Alex Nieves: We’ve heard the discussion for years, but I think what this episode has shown is that the state just hasn’t put in the time and effort to develop a fully fleshed-out transition plan.

The governor framed his pivot not as a departure from the state’s climate policies but as a recalibration — a slowdown so we can actually put plans in place.

How do you protect workers — including unions that largely support Democrats — as you close these facilities? How do you help a city like Benicia, built around this industry, or a place like Richmond with the Chevron refinery, avoid collapse if a refinery picks up and leaves?

I’ve heard ideas floated — maybe requiring a four-year instead of one-year warning for closures, or requiring some relationship between refiners and the state to create a worker transition plan. But those are things we just haven’t seen yet.

In the immediate term, the state seems to be aiming for policies that keep supply up — increase in-state crude, increase imports. But the actual planning behind a transition? I think that’s the next step — and we’re still quite a ways from a solidified plan.

Guy Marzorati: Yeah. And we’ve got about thirty seconds before the break — but it’s also, you know, Newsom is still trying to hold this mantle of climate leadership, right? He’s still battling with the federal administration while all this is happening in California.

Alex Nieves: Yeah, absolutely. We’ve seen the state file dozens of lawsuits — many of them in the climate, energy, and environmental space.

I think it’s fair to say that California is still a leader in some ways on the federal landscape. But I know that within the state, environmental groups are quite livid. They really see this as a departure from the past.

Guy Marzorati: Yeah. That’s Alex Nieves, California transportation reporter at Politico.

We’re talking about whether California is reconsidering its stance on oil production as two refineries are slated to close. And we want to hear from you.

What would you like to see as these refineries make plans for their future?

Do gas prices affect how you think about the state’s oil production?

Give us a call at 866-733-6786. Or get in touch with us on social @kqedforum or by email: forum@kqed.org.

Stay with us.

KQED: Benicia’s Valero Refinery may NOT close – “Hail Mary” possible?

Potential Valero Refinery Closure Leaves Benicia, State Officials Scrambling for Alternatives

KQED News,  By Matthew Green, April 26, 2025

The Valero refinery in Benicia on Sept. 21, 2023. The potential closure of the massive Benicia oil refinery by next April would have a huge impact on both the city’s economy and the state’s oil supply. (Martin do Nascimento/KQED)

A week after Valero announced plans to “idle, restructure or cease” operations at its massive Benicia oil refinery by next April, company executives said that while the plant’s closure was more than likely, it was not yet a foregone conclusion.

In an earnings call Thursday, Valero executives left open the possibility of a Hail Mary, saying they had plans to meet with state and local officials to discuss potential options.

“I do think there’s a genuine interest in California to avoid the closure,” Richard Walsh, Valero’s executive vice president, said during the call. But he quickly added, “Our current intent right now is to close the refinery.”

A week after Valero announced plans to “idle, restructure or cease” operations at its massive Benicia oil refinery by next April, company executives said that while the plant’s closure was more than likely, it was not yet a foregone conclusion.

In an earnings call Thursday, Valero executives left open the possibility of a Hail Mary, saying they had plans to meet with state and local officials to discuss potential options.

“I do think there’s a genuine interest in California to avoid the closure,” Richard Walsh, Valero’s executive vice president, said during the call. But he quickly added, “Our current intent right now is to close the refinery.”

Valero CEO Lane Riggs cited California’s tough “regulatory and enforcement environment” as the main driver behind the company’s intent to cease operations at the sprawling North Bay facility. The sixth-largest refinery in the state, it currently produces up to 145,000 barrels of crude oil a day, accounting for about 9% of the state’s production.

“California has been pursuing policies to move away from fossil fuels for really the past 20 years,” Riggs said, calling the state’s regulations “the most stringent and difficult of anywhere else in North America.”

Benicia Mayor Steve Young doesn’t disagree with the assessment, but said he wishes the company had provided more lead time.

“We need to get moving on this quickly because 12 months is not a long time given the severity of the economic impact,” said Young, noting that nearly 20% of Benicia’s $60 million budget comes from the refinery. “I think that’s part of my frustration, is how little time we have to try to plan for some kind of an alternative.”

Shutting down the facility, he added, would also be a major blow to the hundreds of residents who work there, not to mention the scores of restaurants, hotels and other businesses that provide services to those workers in this city of some 27,000 residents.

The Valero refinery is also the exclusive supplier of jet fuel to nearby Travis Air Force Base, which it delivers through a direct pipeline.

“If that is stopped, what does that mean to the base?” Young said. “Travis uses an amazing amount of fuel to fly all their planes, much more than can be easily replaced, and certainly not replaced within a year. So I think that this becomes a matter of real concern to the Defense Department and it’s potentially a national security issue.”

Valero dropped its bombshell April 16 announcement roughly six months after regional and state air regulators fined the company a record $82 million for secretly exceeding toxic emissions standards for at least 15 years. And last month, city leaders voted unanimously to impose moderate new safety regulations on the facility.

Map showing location of Valero's Benicia refinery
Map by Matthew Green/KQED

“I suspect that compared to other refinery operators, they’re a pretty good business operator. But they’ve also had a pretty bad track record on public safety,” said Terry Mollica, who leads a group of residents that pushed for the city’s new safety rules to increase oversight of the refinery.

But Mollica said that he doesn’t think anybody in his group is particularly excited about the possibility of the facility closing altogether.

“There would be long-term and short-term impacts on the community,” he said. “People would lose their jobs. None of us want to see that happen particularly.”

Valero has owned and operated the Benicia refinery since 2000. The refinery was originally built in 1968 for Humble Oil, later called Exxon, and began operations the following year.

Its possible closure comes amid a growing exodus of traditional oil refiners in California. Phillips 66’s refinery in Rodeo and Marathon’s facility in Martinez both recently converted operations to biofuel production. Phillips 66 also plans to close its Los Angeles-area refinery — the seventh largest in the state — later this year.

And Valero executives, in this week’s earnings call, hinted that they may also soon consider “strategic alternatives” for the company’s only other California refinery, located near Los Angeles, which accounts for more than 5% of the state’s crude oil supply.

“California is phasing out its gasoline consumption and refiners see that coming,” said Severin Borenstein, a UC Berkeley energy economist. “We should be seriously concerned about how all that gasoline supply is going to get replaced.”

California has dramatically reduced its reliance on fossil fuels in recent decades, but most residents still drive gas-powered cars and will continue to do so for years to come, Borenstein said, even though the state already has some of the highest gas prices in the nation.

Gov. Gavin Newsom underscored that sense of urgency this week in a letter (PDF) to California Energy Commission Vice Chair Siva Gunda. He urged the commission to “redouble” its efforts to ensure refiners “continue to see the value in serving the California market, even as demand for fossil fuels continues its gradual decline over the coming decades.”

“I am directing you … to reinforce the State’s openness to a collaborative relationship and our firm belief that Californians can be protected from price spikes and refiners can profitably operate in California — a market where demand for gasoline will still exist for years to come,” Newsom wrote.

A customer prepares to pump gas into his truck at a Valero gas station on July 22, 2013 in Mill Valley. (Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)

Almost immediately after Valero’s announcement, Newsom was lambasted by state Assembly Republicans, who said the potential closure was among the growing number of “real-world consequences” of [his] war on California energy producers that was “becoming clearer by the day.”

In his letter, Newsom defended two different laws he signed in the last two years that give the state more oversight of the oil industry and regulate backup supply when refineries go offline in order to prevent market irregularities. He also asked state energy and environmental officials to produce a report by July 1 on “any changes in the State’s approach that are needed to ensure adequate supply during this transition.”

“The California Energy Commission continues to be committed to working with stakeholders to explore options to ensure an affordable, reliable, and safe transportation fuel supply,” Sandy Louey, a spokesperson for the commission, said in an email in response to Newsom’s letter.

Young, whose city has long felt the health impacts of the refinery’s toxic releases, said he understands the motivation behind California’s ambitious regulations.

“I think certainly [California’s] done them for lots of good environmental reasons, and that obviously climate change is a real thing and burning fossil fuels is a direct contributor to it,” he said. “Did they go too far? I don’t want to say that. But it certainly has created an environment where oil companies feel that either they’ve been unfairly targeted or they are just seeing this as perhaps a way to negotiate some rollbacks of some of those things.”

Young acknowledged that the refinery’s closure would yield some “net benefit” to the health and safety of his community.

“And so from an environmental point of view, sure, it’s certainly possible to look at it as a silver lining,” he said. “But overall, given how quick this is unfolding, I’m certainly not celebrating it by any means.”

Shots fired: California sues oil companies

California goes on offense against Big Oil

The lawsuit makes California the largest economy to join the campaign against oil companies. | Ben Margot / AP Photo.

California is one of the country’s top oil and gas producers, and Chevron, one of the defendants, is headquartered in the state.

Politico, by Blanca Begert and Debra Kahn, September 16, 2023

Democratic California Gov. Gavin Newsom announced a lawsuit Saturday against five major oil companies and their subsidiaries, seeking compensation for damages caused by climate change.

The suit, filed in San Francisco County Superior Court by Democratic Attorney General Rob Bonta, accuses the companies of knowing about the link between fossil fuels and catastrophic climate change for decades but suppressing and spreading disinformation on the topic to delay climate action. The New York Times first reported the case Friday.

The suit also claims that Exxon, Shell, Chevron, ConocoPhillips and BP — as well as the American Petroleum Institute industry trade group — have continued their deception to today, promoting themselves as “green” with small investments in alternative fuels, while primarily investing in fossil fuel products.

It seeks to create a fund that oil companies would pay into to help the state recover from extreme weather events and prepare for further effects of climate change. It argues that California has already spent tens of billions of dollars on responding to climate change, with costs expected to rise significantly.

“The companies that have polluted our air, choked our skies with smoke, wreaked havoc on our water cycle, and contaminated our lands must be made to mitigate the harms they have brought upon the State,” the suit says.

Shell and API said the question of how to address climate change should be dealt with in the policy arena.

“We do not believe the courtroom is the right venue to address climate change, but that smart policy from government and action from all sectors is the appropriate way to reach solutions and drive progress,” Shell spokesperson Anna Arata said in an email.

“This ongoing, coordinated campaign to wage meritless, politicized lawsuits against a foundational American industry and its workers is nothing more than a distraction from important national conversations and an enormous waste of California taxpayer resources,” API Senior Vice President and General Counsel Ryan Meyers said in a statement. “Climate policy is for Congress to debate and decide, not the court system.”

California’s legal action joins dozens of similar lawsuits brought by seven other states and many municipalities seeking to hold major polluters accountable for allegedly lying about their role in causing climate change.

Eight California local governments filed some of the country’s first climate lawsuits in 2017 and 2018 that are now in state courts. At’s filing makes California the largest economy to join the campaign against oil companies. California is also one of the country’s top oil and gas producers, and Chevron, one of the defendants, is headquartered in the state.

A spokesperson for Newsom said the timing was motivated in part by the Supreme Court’s decision in April to allow existing suits from local governments to proceed in state court, rather than be moved to federal courts as oil companies wanted. State courts are seen as friendlier venues for plaintiffs seeking climate damages because they’re generally more receptive to considering state laws that deal with climate change.

“All these cases got tied up in years of procedural wrangling; oil companies doing everything they could to drag their feet,” said spokesperson Alex Stack. The “Supreme Court finally let these cases go forward this spring — the state as a whole is joining cities and counties.”

California officials have been contemplating legal action against oil companies for years, since at least the early 2010s, when former Democratic Gov. Jerry Brown was serving as California attorney general. The state did sue coal companies and automakers before that, alleging public nuisance harms stemming from climate change, but the Supreme Court rejected the arguments.

The links between oil companies and efforts to downplay the effects of climate change have become clearer since then, a former top California legal official said.

“At that time there was less information about the ongoing and continuing efforts by oil companies to mislead and misrepresent on the record,” said Ken Alex, a former senior assistant attorney general under Brown who led the office’s environmental section. “I don’t think we had the same level of information that they have now about that conduct.”

The evidence has continued to pile up. A study published this year from Harvard University and the University of Potsdam in Germany found that Exxon’s climate models from 40 years ago were spot on.

California joining the legal parade against oil companies could prove significant.

“Having California participate is a big deal,” Alex said. “These are difficult cases. They have five defendants who have endless resources; it’s not simple to prove what they need to prove in terms of misrepresentation.”

Opinion: Three practical things Newsom can do to keep Big Oil in check

[BenIndy Contributor Kathy Kerridge – Californians like to think of themselves as climate forward, and Governor Gavin Newsom certainly projects that image. However, there is often a gap between rhetoric and action. Last year, as part of the governor’s climate proposals, the legislature enacted setbacks so oil drilling — with all its health risks — could not happen in your backyard, next to your child’s school or near health facilities. The oil industry then qualified an initiative to overturn that effort (often positioning their bill as “pro-setback” to the people who signed) and CalGEM has continued busily granting permits for drilling in within setback zones. So why doesn’t Newsom back up his rhetoric? This op-ed from the director of Sierra Club California, published by the LA Times, does a good job of explaining how Gov. Newsom might turn rhetoric into action. – K.K.] 

Opinion: If Gavin Newsom really wanted to go after Big Oil, here’s what he would do

An oil rig silhouetted by a golden sunset.
Director of Sierra Club CA Brendan Dawson: “If Newsom wants to live up to his reputation as a champion for the climate and an opponent of Big Oil, he must do more than just promise to protect our environment and health.”

By Brendan Dawson, first published in the LA Times on April 7, 2023.

California politicians promise to protect the environment a lot more than they actually do. For environmental advocates like me, reconciling a politician’s public statements on environmental issues with their actions doesn’t take much time: Simply put, there is no reconciling them.

Gov. Gavin Newsom’s stance on oil and gas is no exception. Late last year, the governor called for a special legislative session to hold oil and gas companies accountable for gouging California consumers when gasoline prices spiked last fall by imposing a penalty on excess profits. The bill that came out of the session in March fell short of the governor’s goals, settling for requiring more industry transparency.

Environmental groups, including Sierra Club California, nevertheless supported the measure as a step toward regulating an industry that was hurting the working class and overheating the planet at the same time. Newsom himself announced “a new sheriff in town” and claimed to have “brought Big Oil to their knees.”

And yet his administration continues to capitulate to the oil industry in other important ways. Newsom’s public determination to take on this industry differs significantly from what goes on behind closed doors.

For instance, after the fossil fuel industry used the state’s referendum process to stall a critical law banning new or reworked oil and gas wells within 3,200 feet of homes, schools, parks and healthcare facilities, the governor decried the move. He said in a statement that he was proud to have signed the setback measure, Senate Bill 1137, “to stop new oil drilling in our neighborhoods and protect California families.”

Since Newsom’s statement, however, his administration’s oil agency, the California Geologic Energy Management Division, or CalGEM, has approved hundreds of permits to rework existing oil and gas wells and continue dangerous operations within setback zones. CalGEM has approved a total of 897 permits since the beginning of the year, 62% of which are within the zones that would be protected by SB 1137.

Reworking of existing wells is a significant source of pollution that puts communities at elevated risk of asthma, cancer and other illnesses. Environmental justice advocates fought for decades to secure setbacks from these operations, only to see CalGEM continue to rubber-stamp permits while the governor stood by.

Newsom is obviously aware of the fossil fuel industry’s repercussions for California communities and the environment. Other departments in his administration have taken steps to advance clean air, and Newsom publicly champions them. But CalGEM, the agency charged with “protecting public health, safety, and the environment in its oversight of the oil, natural gas, and geothermal industries,” clearly missed the memo.

The United Nations’ Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, in the recently released final part of its sixth assessment of the global climate, calls for cutting two-thirds of global carbon pollution by 2035 and ending reliance on oil and gas by 2040. In the report, U.N. Secretary General António Guterres says we must “massively fast-track climate efforts by every country and every sector and on every timeframe. Our world needs climate action on all fronts: everything, everywhere, all at once.” For California to do our part to meet these demands, Newsom must align his administration’s actions with his public statements.

There are a few more concrete steps Newsom can take toward that end. First, he can direct CalGEM to stop issuing new and rework permits, prioritizing the rescinding of permits within the setback zone that would be established by SB 1137.

He should also organize a government-wide effort to plan California’s transition from oil and gas to clean, renewable energy. This transition must consider the needs of the communities that will be most affected by the transition, especially those that consist of predominantly low-income households and people of color.

Finally, he must hold the oil industry accountable for cleaning up abandoned oil wells. Thousands of wells across the state have been abandoned by the industry, and the often exorbitant cleanup costs are wrongly falling on California taxpayers. CalGEM recently spent more than $34 million in taxpayer money to clean up 171 oil wells in Santa Barbara’s Cat Canyon alone.

These steps are practical and immediately achievable. If Newsom wants to live up to his reputation as a champion for the climate and an opponent of Big Oil, he must do more than just promise to protect our environment and health.

Brandon Dawson is the director of Sierra Club California.