September 22, 2017 By Matt Krogh, Extreme Oil Campaign Director, Stand.earth
Every environmental attack by the Trump Administration further emphasizes the importance of taking local action on climate. Climate inaction at the federal level isn’t new–and neither is real success on climate action at the local level.Hidden by the barrage of bad news stories about hurricanes, wildfires, and international climate agreements, are dozens of good news stories about frontline communities defeating dirty fuel projects and municipalities leading the way on zoning out new fossil fuel infrastructure. Towns and counties have local land use powers that allow them to change regulations to prevent the siting of new fossil fuel infrastructure. Around the US, activists and NGOs have been working with these city and county governments to effectively “zone out” the ability to permit new dirty fuel projects. A few of the examples:
In Whatcom County, Washington, the County Council will hold a public hearing on 9/26/17 and vote to pass an extension of the moratorium on accepting applications for new infrastructure that could be used for unrefined fossil fuel export. This will eventually become codified in the county’s land use policy.
In Tacoma, Washington, a permitting freeze similar to Whatcom’s is close to passage, with plans to alter the port’s industrial zoning to prevent new dirty fuel projects.
In Portland, Oregon, an ordinance was passed to prevent the siting of bulk crude storage in the city. The legal challenge from industry is winding through the courts, but the ordinance has a good chance of being upheld.
If implemented broadly, passing municipal land use ordinances can prevent the growth of the fossil fuel economy, and be a critical element in fighting global warming, regardless of what the Trump Administration tries to do.
We hosted a recent webcast with activists from the efforts in Whatcom County, WA and Portland, OR.
Want the local resources mentioned in the webcast? STAND.earth has got you covered. Click here.
Repost from Midwest Energy News [Editor: You may be tempted to quit reading at “But if one assumes oil will be extracted and refined for the foreseeable future…” But the article gets really interesting after that. Keep going!… – RS]
Crude oil by rail or pipeline? New studies explore the question
By Kari Lydersen, September 28, 2017
Recent years have seen massive standoffs over oil pipeline construction and smaller but persistent protests against the transport of oil by train, or what opponents call “bomb trains.”
Protesters often highlight the catastrophic risks if pipelines rupture near aquifers or sacred lands, or if trains derail in cities. And many argue that oil should not be extracted at all, especially through fracking tight shale deposits or mining viscous tar sands.
But if one assumes oil will be extracted and refined for the foreseeable future, two new studies offer insight into the economics, health impacts and risks of pipelines versus crude oil by rail, or CBR.
Transporting oil by rail is often viewed as a stopgap measure until more pipelines are built. But in a paper published this month, public policy professor Ryan Kellogg and business professor Thomas Covert at the Energy Policy Institute at the University of Chicago found that CBR actually plays a crucial role in the oil economy, similar to the role that peaker plants play in our country’s electric system.
That is, CBR is a flexible way to get oil to and from different locations on relatively short notice, responding to market demands.
Pipelines are regulated by the federal government in a way similar to utilities in regulated states, Kellogg notes, meaning that the government oversees their pricing structure and they cannot earn more than a certain rate of return. Oil shippers also enter into long-term contracts with pipeline companies, meaning they have to speculate about future oil prices and demand.
Shipping oil by rail can be more financially attractive for everyone involved since it does not require long-term contracts, there is no regulated rate of return for railroad companies and rail offers more options for where oil is picked up and delivered.
“Putting aside the environmental issues, pipeline and rail work well when paired together,” Kellogg said. “Think of pipelines — once you have the upfront investment done, they are a very low-cost, very reliable way of moving oil from point A to point B. What rail is very good at is responding to conditions as the oil market changes. When the oil market says, ‘Hey there’s a bunch of oil coming out of location C,’ rail is relatively easy to ramp up and get going, or ramp down if there’s a market downturn.”
Hidden health impacts
But shipping oil by rail has serious public health impacts, according to a study by Karen Clay, professor of economics and public policy at Carnegie Mellon University. And she’s not talking about the risk of derailments.
In a paper released this month, Clay quantified the air pollution and greenhouse gas cost of diesel emissions from oil trains going from North Dakota in 2014, when production was high and about half of Bakken oil was shipped by rail. She found that the air emission costs of CBR were twice the cost of oil train accidents. While accidents like the Lac Megantic tragedy generate massive attention and fear, they are relatively rare, whereas the emissions from oil trains impact scores of people who live in urban areas like Chicago and Clay’s home, Pittsburgh.
“The relative magnitudes are really different,” Clay said. “Certainly if a crude oil train blew up in Chicago, it could do billions worth of damage. Air pollution happens every day, it seems kind of invisible, people think it’s not that important, but it is important. It’s about the difference between actual risk and perception of risk — humans are very bad at assessing risk.”
Clay found that the environmental and health costs of transporting oil by rail are double the cost by pipeline. And the air pollution and greenhouse gas emissions driven by pipelines also have a greater cost than pipeline spills and accidents — eight times greater.
She quantified the emissions from power plants needed to power the pumping stations along pipelines, calculating the health and other costs based on the fact that these power plants are typically located in sparsely populated areas, as opposed to the trains which pass through dense urban areas often including minority and low-income communities with environmental justice issues.
Economic levers
Kellogg wrote that the Dakota Access Pipeline would have likely been built to carry 29,000 to 74,000 more barrels of oil a day beyond its capacity of about 450,000, if CBR had not been available. In a pipeline with a fixed diameter, more oil can be shipped by adding more pumping stations along the route, or by “twinning” — adding parallel pipelines within the same right-of-way.
“When rail traffic was getting quite large, you saw the cost of shipping by rail go up,” Kellogg said. “The cost of logistics, renting out rail cars to hold the actual crude oil, those costs noticeably go up.”
Since pipelines deliver oil through long-term contracts, and the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) caps the maximum rate a pipeline can charge, a pipeline can’t raise its rates when demand for its service is high.
“A pipeline can get congested during peak times so you can’t get any more oil through it, but the rate still can’t increase above that maximum regulated rate,” said Kellogg. “So the fact that pipelines can become congested creates the opening for rail to come in and help move the extra oil.”
Both Clay and Kellogg said that if the true cost of oil-by-rail was calculated into the fees that oil shippers are charged, the economics of oil transport might change. Kellogg’s paper predicted that baking the cost of railroad air emissions into shipping prices would raise CBR costs by $2 a barrel.
If shipping by rail got more expensive, there might be more demand for pipelines, and also alternate ways of moving oil. For example, shipping it by rail or pipeline to the Gulf of Mexico then by ship to the U.S.’s East Coast, rather than by rail cutting through the heartland.
Railroads are currently required to install cleaner diesel engines on new locomotives. Meanwhile, advocates have called for replacing older locomotives more rapidly and using electric locomotives in populated areas. Kellogg noted that railroad safety measures in the wake of Lac Megantic could also raise CBR shipping prices, and might shift more business to pipelines.
The future of crude-by-rail
Kellogg’s paper notes that between 2010 and 2014, oil shipments by rail grew from virtually nothing to 750,000 barrels a day, representing a tenth of total domestic oil production. This was largely because of spiking production in the Bakken shale.
Oil shipments by both pipeline and train have declined precipitously since oil prices starting dropping in 2014. But Clay said people should not stop thinking about the risks and economics of CBR even though they aren’t seeing as many oil trains. If oil prices rise and production ramps up, oil trains could proliferate once again.
Given that pipelines result in far fewer public health impacts than rail, Clay also advocates the possibility of shipping other petroleum-related compounds like butane, propane and ethanol by pipeline, rather than train.
“It’s just trying to get people engaged with the idea that this other stuff also has air pollution risk and accident risk,” Clay said. “Maybe the spill and accident risks are lower, but the air pollution risks are the same on a per ton basis over similar routes. This is a broader issue about anything that could be shipped by pipeline instead of rail.”
Phillips 66 Dismisses Lawsuit Fighting for California Oil Train Expansion
Dismissal Comes After Environmental Groups Intervene
SAN LUIS OBISPO, Calif.— Phillips 66 agreed today to dismiss its lawsuit challenging the county of San Luis Obispo’s denial of its proposed oil train terminal in the coastal town of Nipomo, Calif.
“Phillips 66 has finally given up fighting the county’s rejection of its reckless plan to run trains carrying explosive crude oil through California,” said Clare Lakewood, an attorney at the Center for Biological Diversity’s Climate Law Institute. “We’re relieved that the county’s decision to protect communities and wildlife from toxic air pollution, train derailments and oil spills will stand.”
The terminal would have allowed more than 7 million gallons of crude oil, including tar sands oil, per week to be shipped by train from across North America to Phillips 66’s Nipomo Mesa refinery.
Tar sands crude, when prepared for transport, is thinned with an unstable blend of chemicals that can explode in derailment incidents, which have become increasingly frequent in recent years.
Trains servicing the terminal would have traveled through hundreds of California cities, including Los Angeles, Sacramento, Davis, Berkeley, Oakland and San Jose. The plan also threatened ecologically sensitive areas like the San Francisco Bay and California’s central coast.
Phillips 66 proposed its Rail Spur Project in 2013. During the nearly three-year review process, more than 20,000 Californians voiced opposition to the project, and more than 45 cities, counties and school boards sent letters urging the San Luis Obispo County Planning Commission to deny it.
The planning commission denied the proposal in October 2016, and the county Board of Supervisors denied the company’s appeal last March. The county denied the project because, among other reasons, the site contains ecologically sensitive habitat areas and the increased diesel emissions would significantly worsen local air quality. Phillips 66 then sued the Board of Supervisors challenging the habitat determination.
The Center and five other environmental groups were granted permission to intervene in the lawsuit to defend the environmental review process and the county’s decision. The groups and the county filed a motion to dismiss in June, arguing that Phillips 66 failed to appeal the decision to the California Coastal Commission before pursuing litigation as required by state law. Facing the motion Phillips 66 agreed to dismiss the suit.
“Phillips 66 failed to silence the many Californians who took a stand against this risky fossil fuel project that would slow our state’s transition to a clean energy future,” said Lakewood. “I hope the county continues to defend public safety and vulnerable wildlife habitat from ill-conceived oil and gas expansions.”
The Center for Biological Diversity is a national, nonprofit conservation organization with more than 1.5 million members and online activists dedicated to the protection of endangered species and wild places.
The Trump Administration has announced it will reopen the midterm review of fuel efficiency and clean car standards – a process completed less than a year ago when more than 8,000 Climate Reality supporters spoke out for higher fuel economy standards. Now, we’re asking you to speak up again.
These standards reduce smog and dangerous carbon pollution, save American families money, and protect vital manufacturing jobs.
Show the administration you’re serious about ending the climate crisis by adding your name to support strong fuel economy standards that protect our planet, our wallets, and our health.
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