Developer Behind Imagined New Solano County City Says Billionaire Group Wants to Build a ‘City of Yesterday’

California Forever was founded in 2017 and is led by CEO Jan Sramek. Its primary investors are tech billionaires, including Marc Andreessen, Patrick and John Collison, Chris Dixon, John Doerr, Nat Friedman, Daniel Gross, Reid Hoffman, Michael Moritz, Laurene Powell Jobs, and the investment firm Andreessen Horowitz. | Image from californiaforever.com

SFist, by Jay Barman, September 25, 2023

Confirming fears by planning experts that the billionaire group behind an imagined, utopian city built on arid agricultural land in Solano County will be retrograde in concept, visionary developer Jan Sramek said as much in an interview with KQED today.

Sramek went on KQED’s Forum Monday along with Fairfield mayor and original critic of the project Catherine Moy, and Chronicle writer J.K. Dineen. And he spent much of the broadcast defending the idea that this new city is something that Bay Area and Solano County residents will want, and that it will be “affordable by design.” Sramek also revealed a few key bits of new information, including the fact that the group doesn’t intend to quickly try to get the city incorporated — though this could be all talk.

“This could remain in unincorporated Solano County for a long time,” Sramek said. “We think government is fine as it is in Solano County. The county does a great job of running the county … And then at some point, it would be a decision of the voters in this new community whether they want to incorporate.”

Sramek also said that the majority of the first homes built would be row houses, perhaps built by small-scale firms, and made to be affordable for middle-class families.

“We think that there’s so much wisdom in how we built cities and towns over the last hundreds of thousands of years [sic] in some places. And so from the beginning, we’ve believed that you go back to go forward… The plans that people put forward will be very inspired by those great old American neighborhoods that someone who was born 100 years ago will recognize… We want to build a city of yesterday,” Sramek says.

He suggests that row houses “are some of the most under-appreciated types of types of buildings,” and can be built “much more cheaply” than dense, mid-rise condo complexes, at least so long as the land is cheap enough. But is that really true?

Fairfield Mayor Catherine Moy said that the secretiveness with which the group behind the project, Flannery Associates — or maybe now known by the project name as California Forever — conducted themselves for years hasn’t won them any friends in local government. Moy also suggests that “there’s something else going on here,” given that the group has plans to develop 60,000 acres, or a space twice as large as Fairfield itself, which has over 120,000 residents.

And, Moy adds, “There are other areas that this group could develop in and do a lot of good for humanity, including our downtown. Putting a city in an area that is 98% [agricultural] is not a good idea. We are running out of [agricultural] land. We don’t need to develop it.”

Sramek insists that, despite so much out-migration from California in recent years, he’s “gone out and found a group of people who want to double down in California, who believe in the state, who believe in the optimism and the dynamism, and who want to use their resources to build something great in California.”

But doesn’t this all sound a bit like Disney’s Celebration, Florida?

The Chronicle’s urban design critic John King has already critiqued the early rollout of the California Forever proposal, even though it contains no concrete plans.

“Besides the utter lack of specificity in terms of what the conversation will actually be about, here’s the most insulting aspect of California Forever 1.0: It claims to be the natural outgrowth of Bay Area planning tradition,” King writes. “It does this by exhuming a pair of pre-1970 government documents… and says, ‘Let’s dust off those plans, and breathe new life into them’… Or maybe not: Among other things, the 1960 plan calls for a new bridge from San Francisco to Sausalito by way of Angel Island. Plus new suburbs in West Marin and filling in up to 325 miles of the existing bay for development purposes.”

It was about unhindered sprawl, in other words, and did not focus on urban centers and existing transit corridors. “It’s so sad and disappointing,” said Greenbelt Alliance executive director Amanda Brown-Stevens, speaking to the Chronicle. “They’re looking to the past, all the failed approaches that put us in this situation, and doubling down.”


This and more stories on the Flannery land grab: https://beniciaindependent.com/tags/flannery-associates/

It’s been almost 20 weeks since Sheri Leigh first wrote about Benicia’s ‘La Migra’ games. What have we learned, and what’s next?

Sheri Leigh on what she’s learned about La Migra so far, and where we may want to go next

Sheri Leigh
Sheri Leigh, Benicia resident and educator.

By Sheri Leigh, September 22, 2023

Back in May 2023, I posted my concerns about a game the high school students in Benicia play, which they call La Migra. At its simplest level, it is a game of chase, with upperclassmen attempting to ‘capture’ underclassmen before they reach a designated ‘safety zone,’ which is located across town from the game’s starting point. In its ideal form, the game promotes outdoor activity, teamwork, creative solutions, and excitement – but it also can (and does) involve hazing, police arrests, traffic hazards, trauma, kidnapping, and racially based harassment and assault. 

Ever since I first heard of the game, I wanted to know more, and I vowed to share what I learned with the community. Since then I have interviewed several people, including some who have participated in the game, a non-participating student who was racially targeted and assaulted in the name of the game, our school district’s superintendent, the police chief, a descendant of Mexican immigrants who was upset by the title and its meaning, and a host of community leaders, including parent and City Council Member Kari Birdseye. I can certainly do more, but here is what I have learned so far.

First, the game is completely student led. It’s been a Benicia tradition for decades, with its popularity waxing and waning over the years. Its popularity recently surged, probably a result of the isolating years of Covid. None of the event planning or promotion is sponsored by the school district. It doesn’t take place during school hours or on school property, and therefore the school district has no legal right to take disciplinary action against any students who may commit criminal acts while playing the game. 

Some Benicia High School students have taken action against the game, posting warnings to discourage peers from participating. | This image is a still from a 2023 NBC Bay Area report.

Some of the students who have played found the game fun, exciting, and edgy. They like the autonomy and the potential danger, and even the unknown consequences of getting ‘caught.’ They found the game to be one of the only engaging and interactive activities available to them. There is nothing else like it in the community. There is no laser tag, no paintball, no safe room, and no bungee jumping nearby. Not even a bowling alley. The closest thing Benicia has to offer teens looking for an adrenaline rush is the haunted train depot, which is only an option during the month of October. 

Despite the youthful enthusiasm surrounding the activity, many people have experienced severe, long-term trauma from the La Migra Game. Its structure promotes bullying at its worst level. Some young people have been shot with ice pellets and called racial- or gender-based hate names, and have felt compelled to hide in fear for their lives. And I’m not exaggerating. Others were unceremoniously ‘captured’ and taken alone at night to far away or remote locations. Some of the victims weren’t playing or even aware of the game at all. Imagine what an unaware young person thinks if they are suddenly grabbed, thrown into a car trunk, and driven away in the middle of the night? I know what I would be afraid of. Fortunately, so far, no one has died or suffered long term physical harm, but the potential is definitely there.

A lawn with kids running away.
‘La Migra’ is slang for Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) and is the name used for this controversial game based on ICE agents deporting undocumented immigrants. This image is from a 2018 video showing footage of the Game starting.

And beyond the individual targeting of young and vulnerable people, the title and the premise is racially charged. The fear that surrounds the words ‘La Migra’ is very real to many people. Among a group of migrant workers, when someone yells ‘La Migra,’ many run, terrified of apprehension and deportation back to the extreme hardships they could have fled.  Beyond mimicking the real fear many feel when hearing the words La Migra, the game glorifies a very serious problem this country has with immigration. United States immigration policies are difficult and expensive to navigate for foreigners. The immigration officers have a reputation of brutality. And generally speaking, there is little compassion for people entering this country illegally, even when they are here because they fear for their lives or their family’s well-being, and want nothing more than to have a job and feel safe. Sadly, American culture (particularly white American culture) maintains a historic lack of tolerance and acceptance of newcomers and foreigners. 

A wall is spray painted with the words 'No One Is Illegal'
Photo by Miko Guziuk on Unsplash

Do we really want our children emulating a painful and very genuine national tragedy? 

La Migra is not only an opportunity for hazing, or worse; it also has a serious impact on public safety. The students who are playing are caught up in the excitement of the chase. Young people playing the role of the “undocumenteds” are jumping into private yards, running across the street at a moment’s notice, and using other pedestrians, businesses, or cars as shields. In the meantime, those posing as the ICE officers are driving recklessly, and upping the ante by shouting threats or names at their quarry and, more recently, by wielding weapons or firing pellet guns, often without concern whether or not their target is actually voluntarily participating in the game. 

In the late spring of 2022, following the report of one particularly brutal incident involving two unaware and non-participating young people who were attacked by a truck full of students charading as ICE officers who were playing the game, a well-attended town hall meeting initiated by those most impacted was held in a local church. It turned out that these young people’s experience was far from an isolated incident. A host of others who had been victimized and traumatized during the games also spoke up; many who spoke are now adults who still carry the trauma with them. It was an emotionally painful account of this long standing tradition. The evening prompted community action. 

Dr. Damon Wright, Benicia Unified School District Superintendent. | Photo from BUSD Press Release.
Benicia Chief of Police Mike Greene is a 30-year law enforcement veteran, long-time Benicia resident and graduate of Benicia High School. | Uncredited image from BPD website.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Early in the 2022-23 school year, the Benicia School Superintendent spoke about the dangers of the game at every school staff meeting. He and his staff sent an informative email to all Benicia families and sent several follow-up emails as the La Migra game night grew nearer. Student leaders actively discouraged others from taking part in the game. The superintendent himself showed up at the opening of the game and personally tried to convince students to go home, rather than get involved in something that could have long-term legal and emotional effects.

As the evening of the 2023 game approached, the City and the Police Department sent out warnings to residents, encouraging families to keep their children home. And although the Benicia police have always been aware of the game, this time they made a bigger effort to keep our young people and community safe. Several extra police officers were out that evening on overtime, costing our City untold amounts during what many are calling a financial crisis, and more than 20 students were apprehended; one was charged with battery for firing a gel pellet gun loaded with ice at another student. Parents were required to pick up their children at the police station and face the consequences of having their son or daughter involved with the law. 

Some Benicia youth participate in the game for a fun physical challenge. | This image is a still from a 2018 KBCW broadcast and has been blurred to protect child privacy.

And I have been researching and writing articles from a variety of perspectives trying to inform our community about the game. 

What’s left to do? A lot! Communication is a big part of this, and we can do more. But we also need to address the very real voids that La Migra seems to be filling for young people who are otherwise lacking healthy, positive outlets for their creativity and energy. Again, there’s nothing beyond sports available in this community for young people who seek healthy engagement, competition, and an adrenaline rush. 

There’s also a need to address how education fits into this conversation. One perspective that I have heard over and over again is that there is not much taught or discussed at schools about the challenges and trials that immigrants face in this country. If we want to promote acceptance and inclusion, we need to raise awareness at every level, starting in early education and carrying it through to high school graduation. 

Events and programs honoring Mexico’s rich cultural heritage are relatively rare in Benicia. | Photo by Fili Santillán on Unsplash

And as a community, what about cultural celebrations?  Vallejo hosts many events – sponsored by the City or various community groups or both – that celebrate cultural diversity, such as Dia De Los Muertos festivities, a Filipino Festival and more. Here in Benicia, we finally have a Juneteenth celebration and a Diversity Festival, and both have come about thanks to the hard work and ingenuity of the community organizations that put them on, namely Benicia Black Lives Matter and the Benicia Foundation for the Performing Arts, respectively. I also want to acknowledge that Benicia has a long-standing Portuguese Holy Ghost parade, to honor those with Portuguese heritage. 

But that’s not much. According to our most recent census, over 30% of our population is non-white (~14% Latino, 11.5% Asian, 3.5% Black, 12% mixed races, etc.) and yet, we don’t do much to celebrate or recognize our cultural makeup. 

We can do more. And we should!

If you ask the average person in this town what they love most about Benicia, a common answer is how welcoming and friendly we are. Let’s own that! Let’s start thinking critically and proactively about how and why La Migra came to be popular with Benicia youth, what’s missing from our children’s education and our town’s calendar of community events that could have contributed to this sad reality, and what can be done – what we can do together – to honor and celebrate the cultural diversity and positivity that makes this town truly great. 


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The Climate Overshoot Commission Releases Its Report

[Note from BenIndy: This first installment of an analysis of The Climate Overshoot Commission’s report is a bit weedy but worth your time. The report itself kicks off by stating that the likelihood of global warming exceeding the Paris Agreement’s goal of 1.5°C is “alarmingly high and continues to rise” before charging policymakers to reduce emissions, such as by an “ambitious and orderly phasing out of fossil fuels […] . ” Here, Dr. Parson of UCLA’s Emmett Institute on Climate Change and the Environment offers a brief history of the commission and what the high risk of exceeding the Paris Agreement’s goal – and “climate overshoot” – may mean for climate response.]

A dozen global leaders weigh in on the risk of exceeding the Paris temperature targets and what it means for climate response.

Click the image to read the full report on the Climate Overshoot website.

Legal Planet, by Ted Parson, September 18, 2023

Edward A. (Ted) Parson is Dan and Rae Emmett Professor of Environmental Law and Faculty Co-Director of the Emmett Institute on Climate Change and the Environment at the University of California, Los Angeles.

The Climate Overshoot Commission recently completed its work, releasing its report at the United Nations last Thursday, September 14. This report comes in conjunction with the U.N. General Assembly and a collection of high-level climate and environment events, including the Sustainable Development Goals Summit, 18-19 Sept, and the Climate Ambition Summit, 20 Sept.

The Climate Overshoot Commission is a senior independent international body, consisting of twelve distinguished individuals from around the world, including former heads of government, national ministers, and leaders of major environment, development, and civil society organizations. Chaired by Pascal Lamy, former Director-General of the World Trade Organization, it was convened by the Paris Peace Forum. The UCLA Emmett Institute contributed to the establishment and work of the Commission in several ways. Two former Emmett Institute law fellows served on the Secretariat. UCLA law students provided research and analytic support to the Secretariat in the International Climate Law and Policy Clinic. I served as a senior advisor to the Secretariat. In this and a few subsequent posts, I’ll present highlights of the Commission’s contributions, with some commentary — my own views, of course, not those of the Commission, which has very cogently spoken for itself.

There have been dozens of international commissions. Some of you may recall the 1986 World Commission on Environment and Development, or Brundtland Commission, which first popularized the idea of “sustainable development.” Commissions generally aim to advance international debate on hard issues, typically when other bodies are constrained in their ability to do so. Commissioners bring experience, stature, broad global representation—but crucially, are not presently in political office, so they are not required to advance national positions. They can speak and discuss freely. Like its predecessors, the job of the Overshoot Commission was to say things that are true and important, but that other more politically constrained bodies are unable to say: to talk loudly about elephants in the room and naked emperors.

This boiled down to two jobs. The first was to sound the alarm about the imminent likelihood of global heating exceeding the Paris temperature targets. The second was to say what this high risk of exceeding the targets— “overshoot”— means for climate response.

For the first, the Commission did its job pretty well, albeit with some reservations. Its forceful opening message is that the likelihood of global-average heating exceeding 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels—the more ambitious of the Paris targets—is “alarmingly high and continues to rise.” This is a stronger statement of this risk than has been made by any similarly high-level climate body, although not nearly as strong as is justified. Exceeding 1.5°C is virtually certain: indeed, it’s quite likely to happen within the next decade. More seriously, the Commission was silent on the risk of exceeding the higher Paris target, 2.0°C—with much more severe impacts than 1.5°C— which is also high and mounting. The Commission did report recent assessments from three bodies—the IPCC, UNEP, and IEA —which have synthesized projections of end-of-century heating. These are pretty alarming. Just maintaining present emissions-cutting actions—i.e., no further strengthening, but also no backsliding—give end-of-century heating of 3.2°C (IPCC), 2.6°C (UNEP), and 2.5°C (IEA); adding commitments in NDCs on top of current actions gets these down to 2.8°C (IPCC) or 2.4°C (UNEP); and adding conditional commitments and long-term net-zero targets reduces these to 1.7°C (UNEP and IEA). Getting better, but not very comforting.

Deciding how to speak effectively about such projections is surprisingly hard, for a couple of reasons. First, such statements aren’t just scientific but are also political—intended to report what is known or knowable about a risk, in such a way as to elicit a certain kind of response. All public-facing bodies like the Commission fret over how to sound the alarm that bad things are coming, to convey an appropriate level of action-motivating alarm without inducing despair and passivity. Second, there is real uncertainty in such statements, which gets larger and is more dependent on human choice the further ahead you look. While exceeding 1.5°C is pretty much locked in, there is so much range for human action in longer-term projections like 2.0°C, that most bodies —like the three the Commission quoted—speak not in terms of likelihood, but in terms of if-then, conditional statements. If control measures are this strong, then we project this degree of heating. The Commission chose to focus on the 1.5°C target, to speak very forcefully about the likelihood of exceeding it, but not to suggest certainty or unavoidability.

To give the Commission credit where due—and it is due in many places—on one point closely related to these projections, they were uncommonly and admirably frank: Noting the risks and the stark tradeoffs posed by aerosol pollution in the lower atmosphere. This pollution, mostly from burning fossil fuels that contain sulfur, has severe current environmental and health effects, estimated to kill more than 5 million people per year due to respiratory illness. It is also exerting an inadvertent cooling effect that masks a large fraction—perhaps a third to a half—of the climate forcing from previously emitted greenhouse gases that are already in the atmosphere. This pollution has to be cleaned up—and is being cleaned up—notably via the recently enacted tightening of restrictions on the sulfur content of marine bunker fuels adopted by the IMO. But cleaning this up will remove its cooling effect, which the IPCC recently estimated as 0.7°C.

Another related contribution the Commission made to climate clarity and realism (although less than it perhaps might have) concerns the use of the term for which it was named, “Climate Overshoot.”

Overshoot scenarios initially appeared in integrated assessment models (IAMs). They are projections in which some measure of environmental disruption initially exceeds a target, e.g., one of the Paris global temperature targets, but then stops growing, reverses, and eventually returns to the target level after this temporary period of exceedance. Calling these “overshoot scenarios” makes sense in describing model results, but is somewhat misleading in the real world, because it implies that once you exceed a target you are on an overshoot trajectory, which will in due course reverse and return to the target. In other words, the term suggests that such reversal and return is somehow automatic or easy, perhaps even built into the definition of “overshoot.” But what is actually highly likely is not the complete overshoot trajectory, but the initial exceedance of the target. How large and long-lasting the exceedance is, indeed, whether temperature actually returns to the target at all rather than just staying higher, depends on what happens to net emissions afterwards. Returning to or below the target, let alone doing so after just a small and brief exceedance, will take the same extreme reductions in emissions that have been so challenging to achieve thus far, now with the additional requirement that any continuing emissions be more than offset by extreme scale-up of stable atmospheric removals. Current and coming advances in carbon-free technology will help, of course. But given decades of shortfall in reducing global emissions, and continuing structural factors hindering needed sharp reductions, there is no justification to assume this vast transformation will somehow get easy, let alone automatic, by the mere fact of exceeding the targets and suffering the resultant worse climate impacts. Fossil interests will keep fighting, even if it’s to stretch their demise out longer rather than to live forever. Perhaps increasingly severe climate change and impacts will make transformative socio-technical change easier, but this depends on political assumptions – theories of social change – that are not clear.

An illustration of the deep difficulty thinking coherently about exceedance and overshoot can be found right in the recent IPCC AR6 report—a point the Commission discovered in the course of its work but did not include in its report. The overshoot scenarios reported in the IPCC all fall into two buckets: “low overshoot,” in which 1.5°C is exceeded by at most 0.1°C (this bucket also includes a tiny number of scenarios with no overshoot at all, but to be a little glib, nobody believes those); and “medium to high” overshoot, in which 1.5°C exceeded by 0.1 to 0.3°C.  A casual read could be forgiven for inferring that these numbers reflect a reasoned conclusion by the IPCC that these are the biggest overshoots the world will likely have to deal with. But unfortunately that’s not what it means at all. These buckets with their low overshoot numbers are a definitional artifact, arising from the year-2100 endpoint of the analyses. For a scenario to be called “overshoot,” it had to get back to its target by the year-2100 end of the analytic time horizon. Scenarios that peaked above 1.8°C—i.e., that exceeded 1.5°C by more than 0.3°C this century– did not have time to get back below 1.5°C by the end of the century, so were not labeled or analyzed as overshoot.  Even more so, no scenario that exceeded 2.0°C could be called overshoot, because there is not enough time on any trajectory to exceed 2.0°C, reverse, and return to 2.0°C by the end of the century. So, the overshoot scenarios identified and analyzed as such are in fact the best possible trajectories in which 1.5°C is exceeded, which manage to get back to 1.5°C by 2100. The IPCC in no way ruled out or judged unlikely future trajectories with higher and longer-lasting exceedances. These are there—in fact, they are clustered into buckets by their end-of-century heating.  These include, for example, the scenarios I reported above, in which continuance of present policies or NDC commitments without increasing ambition (granted, a scenario that may be unlikely on the pessimistic, no-action side) give end-of-century heating of 3.2°C and 2.8°C, respectively (with the lower figures subsequently estimated by UNEP and the IEA, as noted above). 

Having sounded the alarm about the likelihood of overshoot—albeit pulling their punches a little in concession to the perceived need to give a positive message—the Commission’s second job was to say what this high risk of overshoot means for climate response.

At first cut, this is a simple story: do more of everything and do it faster. But given the widespread desire not to face the stark likelihood of potentially severe exceedance, there actually is more to say—in particular, that the gravity of risks requires consideration of more extreme or radical approaches to limiting climate change than have gained serious attention thus far. It is no longer acceptable to deem plausible solutions that might help inadmissible a priori.

The Commission did this and did it pretty well—to varying degrees across the four major response types, of which they addressed all – mitigation, adaptation, removals, and solar geoengineering or SRM. Indeed, given the current state of climate debate, merely including all four response types with similar levels of scrutiny and detail represents a significant contribution. They also presented a useful and original conceptual framework for thinking about climate responses in presence of overshoot, dividing the four response types into two pairs according to which of two large-scale aims they pursue: Reducing the magnitude and duration of overshoot; and reducing the harms that follow from any given magnitude and duration of overshoot. The two responses that limit the magnitude and duration of overshoot are mitigation and removal: deep cuts in present and future emissions; and removing past emissions from the atmosphere and putting them somewhere long-term secure. The two ways to limit the harms resultant from any specific magnitude and duration of overshoot are adaptation and solar geoengineering (Sort-of, on the last one: the Commission doesn’t recommend solar geoengineering—in fact, its immediate recommendation is to enact a moratorium on it—but it also recommends researching it and starting to talk about how to resolve the governance problems it would raise). They also separately addressed climate finance; a cross-cutting response relevant to all responses.

From left to right: Kim Campbell (Canada’s 19th Prime Minister, Founding Member of Club de Madrid; Chair Pascal Lamy (Vice President of the Paris Peace Forum; former Director-General of the World Trade Organization, France); Hina Rabbani Khan (Minister of State for Foreign Affairs of Pakistan); Unknown; Xue Lan (Cheung Kong Chair Distinguished Professor and Dean of Schwarzman College, Tsinghua University, China); & Muhamad Chatib Basri (Former Minister of Finance of Indonesia).

I’m going to address how the Commission dealt with each response type in subsequent posts, which I’ll put up at intervals of one or two days. The next two will separately consider the two response types where the Commission’s recommendations are most radical, most original, and most likely to attract controversy: mitigation and solar geoengineering. I’ll then review their analysis and recommendations on adaptation, removals, and climate finance, and close with a review of reactions to the Commission (which should start to be clear by that point) and speculation on its impact.

[Note from BenIndy: All bolded elements above represent added emphasis by BenIndy. You can subscribe to Legal-Planet.org in order to receive notifications for Dr. Parson’s follow-up posts.]

Shots fired: California sues oil companies

California goes on offense against Big Oil

The lawsuit makes California the largest economy to join the campaign against oil companies. | Ben Margot / AP Photo.

California is one of the country’s top oil and gas producers, and Chevron, one of the defendants, is headquartered in the state.

Politico, by Blanca Begert and Debra Kahn, September 16, 2023

Democratic California Gov. Gavin Newsom announced a lawsuit Saturday against five major oil companies and their subsidiaries, seeking compensation for damages caused by climate change.

The suit, filed in San Francisco County Superior Court by Democratic Attorney General Rob Bonta, accuses the companies of knowing about the link between fossil fuels and catastrophic climate change for decades but suppressing and spreading disinformation on the topic to delay climate action. The New York Times first reported the case Friday.

The suit also claims that Exxon, Shell, Chevron, ConocoPhillips and BP — as well as the American Petroleum Institute industry trade group — have continued their deception to today, promoting themselves as “green” with small investments in alternative fuels, while primarily investing in fossil fuel products.

It seeks to create a fund that oil companies would pay into to help the state recover from extreme weather events and prepare for further effects of climate change. It argues that California has already spent tens of billions of dollars on responding to climate change, with costs expected to rise significantly.

“The companies that have polluted our air, choked our skies with smoke, wreaked havoc on our water cycle, and contaminated our lands must be made to mitigate the harms they have brought upon the State,” the suit says.

Shell and API said the question of how to address climate change should be dealt with in the policy arena.

“We do not believe the courtroom is the right venue to address climate change, but that smart policy from government and action from all sectors is the appropriate way to reach solutions and drive progress,” Shell spokesperson Anna Arata said in an email.

“This ongoing, coordinated campaign to wage meritless, politicized lawsuits against a foundational American industry and its workers is nothing more than a distraction from important national conversations and an enormous waste of California taxpayer resources,” API Senior Vice President and General Counsel Ryan Meyers said in a statement. “Climate policy is for Congress to debate and decide, not the court system.”

California’s legal action joins dozens of similar lawsuits brought by seven other states and many municipalities seeking to hold major polluters accountable for allegedly lying about their role in causing climate change.

Eight California local governments filed some of the country’s first climate lawsuits in 2017 and 2018 that are now in state courts. At’s filing makes California the largest economy to join the campaign against oil companies. California is also one of the country’s top oil and gas producers, and Chevron, one of the defendants, is headquartered in the state.

A spokesperson for Newsom said the timing was motivated in part by the Supreme Court’s decision in April to allow existing suits from local governments to proceed in state court, rather than be moved to federal courts as oil companies wanted. State courts are seen as friendlier venues for plaintiffs seeking climate damages because they’re generally more receptive to considering state laws that deal with climate change.

“All these cases got tied up in years of procedural wrangling; oil companies doing everything they could to drag their feet,” said spokesperson Alex Stack. The “Supreme Court finally let these cases go forward this spring — the state as a whole is joining cities and counties.”

California officials have been contemplating legal action against oil companies for years, since at least the early 2010s, when former Democratic Gov. Jerry Brown was serving as California attorney general. The state did sue coal companies and automakers before that, alleging public nuisance harms stemming from climate change, but the Supreme Court rejected the arguments.

The links between oil companies and efforts to downplay the effects of climate change have become clearer since then, a former top California legal official said.

“At that time there was less information about the ongoing and continuing efforts by oil companies to mislead and misrepresent on the record,” said Ken Alex, a former senior assistant attorney general under Brown who led the office’s environmental section. “I don’t think we had the same level of information that they have now about that conduct.”

The evidence has continued to pile up. A study published this year from Harvard University and the University of Potsdam in Germany found that Exxon’s climate models from 40 years ago were spot on.

California joining the legal parade against oil companies could prove significant.

“Having California participate is a big deal,” Alex said. “These are difficult cases. They have five defendants who have endless resources; it’s not simple to prove what they need to prove in terms of misrepresentation.”

For safe and healthy communities…