Sacramento Bee: Benicia mayor’s public skepticism puts vote on oil trains in jeopardy

Repost from The Sacramento Bee
[Editor: Don’t let the headline put you off – this is the most thorough analysis yet on the controversy in Benicia.  Tony Bizjak does a good job presenting Mayor Patterson’s defense as well as the perspective of those who would silence her.  – RS]

Benicia mayor’s public skepticism puts vote on oil trains in jeopardy

By Tony Bizjak, 11/23/2014
The Valero refinery in Benicia.
The Valero refinery in Benicia. Manny Crisostomo

The hot national debate over crude oil train safety has taken an unusual twist in the Bay Area city of Benicia, where a blunt-talking mayor’s right to free speech is being pitted against an oil company’s right to a fair public hearing.

This summer, amid tense public debate over a Valero Refining Co. proposal to bring crude oil on trains to its Benicia plant, Mayor Elizabeth Patterson revealed that the city attorney had privately advised her that her frequent public comments about oil transport safety could be seen as bias against the Valero project.

The mayor said the city attorney advised her to stop talking about the oil trains and sending out mass emails containing articles and other information, and to recuse herself from voting when it came before the council.

Patterson, a longtime community planner and environmental activist, is refusing to step aside, saying she has a duty to share information with constituents about the city’s pivotal role in the crude oil debate, one of the biggest environmental fights in the state.

The situation in Benicia provides an unfolding civics lesson on the sometimes-surprising legal tightropes cities and public officials must walk when dealing with high-stakes issues. The trains in question would pass twice daily through downtown Sacramento and other Northern California cities en route to the Benicia refinery.

Patterson points out she has never said she would vote against the Valero project and said she hasn’t yet made up her mind. “I am providing information. I am letting people know what is going on,” she said. “We ought to be talking about this.”

But a recent legal analysis, commissioned by Benicia City Attorney Heather McLaughlin and released publicly by the city last week, says Patterson appears to have stepped over a little-known and somewhat fuzzy legal line that could land the city in court.

Valero, the city’s largest employer and owner of a sprawling 45-year-old refinery on a hillside over Suisun Bay, wants to begin receiving two 50-car oil trains a day sometime next year. Valero officials say the shipments will help keep the refinery competitive in a fast-changing oil industry by providing rail access to cheaper oil, instead of marine shipments from Alaska and foreign countries.

The success of the Valero refinery is important to Benicia. The taxes it pays fund nearly a quarter of the city government’s annual operating budget.

But the fast-growing crude-by-rail phenomenon is controversial. Several oil train explosions, including one that killed 47 people in a Canadian town, have prompted federal officials to call for improved safety regulations. The California attorney general and other state safety officials recently challenged Benicia to do a better job of studying the environmental and safety risks of the Valero plan.

Patterson was among the early voices on oil train safety issues, writing an opinion piece in March in a Bay Area newspaper calling on Gov. Jerry Brown to take immediate steps to protect public safety as the trains begin to roll. She also has been sending mass emails to constituents for more than a year with updates on the project, copies of news stories about crude oil issues, and Valero-related matters.

This spring, two council members asked the city attorney to look into whether Patterson was playing too much of an advocacy role. Mark Hughes, a former PG&E executive, and Christina Strawbridge, a business owner, said several constituents had asked them if the mayor’s comments were appropriate. Both told The Sacramento Bee they were not approached by anyone from Valero.

Hughes said the matter is not personal. Speaking at a council meeting last week, he said, “for anyone to think that this was a witch hunt … for bringing it up against the mayor is just wrong. I think the mayor knows that. It clearly was not an attempt to intentionally try to get her to recuse herself; it was an attempt to get some clarification.”

Strawbridge, also speaking at the council meeting, said she put materials together to bring to the city attorney “to find out if the city is in legal harm here because of our mayor and making these kinds of statements … I have had questions about how the mayor could continue to be unbiased in this situation.”

At issue, experts say, are the different legal roles council members play and how they are permitted to act when playing those roles. In California, elected officials can express opinions and advocate for outcomes when they are writing new policies or laws, or deciding how to spend the city budget, municipal law experts say.

But courts have ruled that local elected officials cannot speak out too forcefully prior to holding a hearing and vote on “administrative” or “quasi-judicial” issues, such as voting on a homeowner’s request for a variance or a company’s request for a permit to expand its business.

In those cases, legal experts say, the applicant’s right to have its request heard by an impartial, unbiased board trumps a board member’s right to express their opinion before the formal public hearing.

JoAnne Speers is a former general counsel to the League of California Cities who now teaches leadership ethics at the School of Management at the University of San Francisco. She said case law on the matter can trip up cities and elected officials.

“I feel for the mayor and elected officials generally,” she said. “It seems paradoxical with issues of great importance to their community, if they want to participate in the decision, they are subject to certain constraints.”

The question now in Benicia is whether the mayor’s writings and emails have crossed the legal line.

The attorney hired by Benicia to review Patterson’s public comments, Michael Jenkins of Manhattan Beach, also serves as legal counsel for several California cities. He concluded that a court likely would consider Patterson to have stepped over the line. He noted in his analysis, though, that there are not many court cases to use for guidance, and acknowledged he is offering the city of Benicia conservative advice.

“This is a close case,” Jenkins wrote in his report. “In our opinion, a court likely would find that Mayor Patterson’s oft-expressed skepticism about transportation of crude oil by rail evidences an unacceptable probability of actual bias. The evidence is sufficient to warrant her preclusion from participation in the decision.”

His conclusion was based on 17 of Patterson’s emails and on Patterson’s opinion piece in the San Francisco Chronicle, headlined “Governor must ensure rail tanker safety.” In that piece, she wrote that “crude-by-rail shipments in unsafe tank cars pose imminent danger” to rural communities, and asked, “How would the Suisun Marsh survive a potential spill, explosion and fire?” She did not mention Valero by name, nor did she expressly say she opposes crude-by-rail shipments.

Patterson said she has been sending such e-blasts to constituents for years on city topics. She estimates she has about 500 subscribers. Most of the blasts involve Patterson disseminating published articles, press releases and other people’s comments. One included a story from The Sacramento Bee in which Sacramento leaders accused Benicia of failing to fully acknowledge the risk of spills and fires from the Valero project.

Another email passed along an article about speakers at a meeting organized by project opponents, Jenkins said. Patterson followed that with an email containing a Southern California newspaper editorial disagreeing with Patterson’s Chronicle opinion piece, and accusing her of rushing to judgment on the crude-by-rail issue. Another Patterson email contains a report lauding Valero for its plant safety measures.

In determining that Patterson should not vote on the Valero project, Jenkins cited a 2004 Los Angeles appellate court case as most comparable to the Benicia situation. There, he said, a city planning commissioner wrote an article for his homeowners association expressing concerns that a project would have negative environmental impacts. The commissioner then voted to deny the project. The court ruled that his comments “gave rise to an unacceptable probability of actual bias.”

Patterson’s attorney, Diane Fishburn of Olson Hagel & Fishburn in Sacramento, countered that a 1975 California Supreme Court ruling suggests Patterson is within her rights in speaking her opinion. In that case, involving the city of Fairfield, a developer tried to have the mayor and a councilman barred from voting on his shopping center proposal because the mayor told the developer he was opposed to the project, and the councilman spoke against the project at public meetings.

The court stated that the shopping center project had major ramifications for the city, and that a “councilman has not only a right but an obligation to … state his views on matters of public importance.”

The Fairfield case “is right on point with Elizabeth’s situation,” Fishburn said.

Jenkins cited that Fairfield case, as well, in his report for Benicia, acknowledging it provides support for Patterson’s position. But he pointed out that the court noted that most of the Fairfield council members’ comments came during a political campaign, where, Jenkins said, “candidates should have the freedom to express their views.”

Valero officials did not respond to a request for comment.

Under city rules, the Valero permit request will be voted on by the city Planning Commission, and would only come before the City Council on appeal. If it does, legal experts and city officials say it is up to Patterson to decide whether she should recuse herself.

Patterson said she does not plan to step aside and that she will be able to cast an unbiased vote. “I am going to (continue to) do what I have been doing,” she said. “The challenge here is I have to be scrupulous in weighing the facts before me.”

KPIX: State Senator Says Bay Area Not Prepared For Crude Oil Trains

Repost from 5KPIX TV CBS SF Bay Area
[Editor: apologies for the video’s commercial ad.  You can pass on choosing an ad – the video will begin if you just wait.  – RS]

State Senator Says Bay Area Not Prepared For Crude Oil Trains

Phil Matier talks with state senator Jerry Hill who believes that Bay Area emergency crews are not properly prepared to handle the hundreds of tanker trains bringing shale crude oil from the Dakotas to local refineries. (11/23/14)

New York Times: Where Oil and Politics Mix (Part 2)

Repost from The New York Times
[Editor:  Part 2 in a series (See Part 1).  This is an INCREDIBLE expose of political corruption and a masterful portrayal of the transformation taking place in North Dakota, where residents and business people are losing confidence in the oil boom promises they once embraced.  Due to it’s GORGEOUS and informative interactive imagery, the Benicia Independent can only repost the beginning of this lengthy and immersive article.  Get started here, then click on MORE.  – RS]

Where Oil and Politics Mix

After an unusual land deal, a giant spill and a tanker-train explosion, anxiety began to ripple across the North Dakota prairie.
By DEBORAH SONTAG, NOV. 23, 2014

NYT_Where-oil-and-politics-mix(675)TIOGA, N.D. — In late June, as black and gold balloons bobbed above black and gold tables with oil-rig centerpieces, the theme song from “Dallas” warmed up the crowd for the “One Million Barrels, One Million Thanks” celebration.

The mood was giddy. Halliburton served barbecued crawfish from Louisiana. A commemorative firearms dealer hawked a “one-million barrel” shotgun emblazoned with the slogan “Oil Can!” Mrs. North Dakota, in banner and crown, posed for pictures. The Texas Flying Legends performed an airshow backlit by a leaping flare of burning gas. And Gov. Jack Dalrymple was the featured guest.

Traveling through the “economically struggling” nation, Mr. Dalrymple told the crowd, he encountered many people who asked, “Jack, what the heck are you doing out there in North Dakota?” to create the fastest-growing economy, lowest unemployment rate and (according to one survey) happiest population.

Gov. Jack Dalrymple with Janelle Steinberg, Mrs. North Dakota, at a celebration in Tioga in June for reaching a milestone: one million daily barrels of oil. | Paul Flessland
 

“And I enjoy explaining to them, ‘Yes, the oil boom is a big, big help,’ ” he said.

Outsiders, he explained, simply need to be educated out of their fear of fracking: “There is a way to explain it that really relaxes people, that makes them understand this is not a dangerous thing that we’re doing out here, that it’s really very well managed and very safe and really the key to the future of not only North Dakota but really our entire nation.”

Tioga, population 3,000, welcomed North Dakota’s first well in 1951, more than a half-century before hydraulic fracturing liberated the “tight oil” trapped in the Bakken shale formation. So it was fitting that Tioga ring in the daily production milestone that had ushered the Bakken into the rarefied company of historic oil fields worldwide.

But Tioga also claims another record: what is considered the largest on-land oil spill in recent American history. And only Brenda Jorgenson, 61, who attended “to hear what does not get said,” mentioned that one, sotto voce.

The million-barrel bash was devoid of protesters save for Ms. Jorgenson, a tall, slender grandmother who has two wells at her driveway’s end and three jars in her refrigerator containing blackened water that she said came from her faucet during the fracking process. She did not, however, utter a contrary word.

“I’m not that brave (or stupid) to protest among that,” she said in an email afterward. “I’ve said it before: we’re outgunned, outnumbered and out-suited.”

North Dakotans do not like to make a fuss. Until recently, those few who dared to challenge the brisk pace of oil development, the perceived laxity of government oversight or the despoliation of farmland were treated as killjoys. They were ignored, ridiculed, threatened, and paid settlements in exchange for silence.

But over the past year and some, the dynamic seemed to be shifting.

Satellite photos of western North Dakota at night, aglitter like a metropolis with lighted rigs and burning flares, crystallized its rapid transformation from tight-knit agricultural society to semi-industrialized oil powerhouse. Proposals to drill near historic places generated heated opposition. The giant oil spill in Tioga in September 2013 frightened people, as did the explosion months later of a derailed oil train, which sent black smoke mushrooming over a snowy plain.

The engine of an oil train that derailed and exploded in a collision near the governor’s hometown, Casselton, in December 2013. | Jim Wilson/The New York Times

Then, this year, North Dakotans learned of discovery after discovery of illegally dumped oil filter socks, the “used condoms” of the oil industry, which contain radiation dislodged from deep underground.

Suddenly a percolating anxiety came uncorked. “The worm is turning,” Timothy Q. Purdon, the United States attorney, said in April.

It was against this backdrop that on a brisk spring day David Schwalbe, a retired rancher, and his wife, Ellen Chaffee, a former university president, walked headlong into the wind on their way to an F.B.I. office in Fargo….  [Editor:  MORE – click here to continue – GREAT INTERACTIVE GRAPHICS, DON’T MISS THIS – RS]

New York Times: The Downside of the Boom (Part 1)

Repost from The New York Times
[Editor: This is an INCREDIBLE, intimate portrait of the lives and times of those living through the nightmare of the crude oil boom in North Dakota.  Due to it’s GORGEOUS and informative interactive imagery, the Benicia Independent can only repost a small portion of this lengthy and immersive article.  Get started here, then click on MORE.  – RS]

The Downside of the Boom

North Dakota took on the oversight of a multibillion-dollar oil industry with a regulatory system built on trust, warnings and second chances.
By DEBORAH SONTAG and ROBERT GEBELOFF NOV. 22, 2014

NYT The Downside of the BoomWILLISTON, N.D. — In early August 2013, Arlene Skurupey of Blacksburg, Va., got an animated call from the normally taciturn farmer who rents her family land in Billings County, N.D. There had been an accident at the Skurupey 1-9H oil well. “Oh, my gosh, the gold is blowing,” she said he told her. “Bakken gold.”

It was the 11th blowout since 2006 at a North Dakota well operated by Continental Resources, the most prolific producer in the booming Bakken oil patch. Spewing some 173,250 gallons of potential pollutants, the eruption, undisclosed at the time, was serious enough to bring the Oklahoma-based company’s chairman and chief executive, Harold G. Hamm, to the remote scene.

It was not the first or most catastrophic blowout visited by Mr. Hamm, a sharecropper’s son who became the wealthiest oilman in America and energy adviser to Mitt Romney during the 2012 presidential campaign. Two years earlier, a towering derrick in Golden Valley County had erupted into flames and toppled, leaving three workers badly burned. “I was a human torch,” said the driller, Andrew J. Rohr.

Blowouts represent the riskiest failure in the oil business. Yet, despite these serious injuries and some 115,000 gallons spilled in those first 10 blowouts, the North Dakota Industrial Commission, which regulates the drilling and production of oil and gas, did not penalize Continental until the 11th.

In 2011, Andrew J. Rohr and two other workers were badly burned when a towering derrick erupted into flames and toppled. “I was a human torch,” Mr. Rohr said. | Rich Addicks for The New York Times
 

The commission — the governor, attorney general and agriculture commissioner — imposed a $75,000 penalty. Earlier this year, though, the commission, as it often does, suspended 90 percent of the fine, settling for $7,500 after Continental blamed “an irresponsible supervisor” — just as it had blamed Mr. Rohr and his crew, contract workers, for the blowout that left them traumatized.

Since 2006, when advances in hydraulic fracturing — fracking — and horizontal drilling began unlocking a trove of sweet crude oil in the Bakken shale formation, North Dakota has shed its identity as an agricultural state in decline to become an oil powerhouse second only to Texas. A small state that believes in small government, it took on the oversight of a multibillion-dollar industry with a slender regulatory system built on neighborly trust, verbal warnings and second chances.

In recent years, as the boom really exploded, the number of reported spills, leaks, fires and blowouts has soared, with an increase in spillage that outpaces the increase in oil production, an investigation by The New York Times found. Yet, even as the state has hired more oil field inspectors and imposed new regulations, forgiveness remains embedded in the Industrial Commission’s approach to an industry that has given North Dakota the fastest-growing economy and lowest jobless rate in the country.

For those who champion fossil fuels as the key to America’s energy independence, North Dakota is an unrivaled success, a place where fracking has provoked little of the divisive environmental debate that takes place elsewhere. Its state leaders rarely mention the underside of the boom and do not release even summary statistics about environmental incidents and enforcement measures.

Over the past nine months, using previously undisclosed and unanalyzed records, bolstered by scores of interviews in North Dakota, The Times has pieced together a detailed accounting of the industry’s environmental record and the state’s approach to managing the “carbon rush.”

The Times found that the Industrial Commission wields its power to penalize the industry only as a last resort. It rarely pursues formal complaints and typically settles those for about 10 percent of the assessed penalties. Since 2006, the commission has collected an estimated $1.1 million in fines. This is a pittance compared with the $33 million (including some reimbursements for cleanups) collected by Texas’ equivalent authority over roughly the same period, when Texas produced four times the oil.

“We’re spoiling the child by sparing the rod,” said Daryl Peterson, a farmer who has filed a complaint seeking to compel the state to punish oil companies for spills that contaminated his land. “We should be using the sword, not the feather.”

North Dakota’s oil and gas regulatory setup is highly unusual in that it puts three top elected officials directly in charge of an industry that, through its executives and political action committees, can and does contribute to the officials’ campaigns. Mr. Hamm and other Continental officials, for instance, have contributed $39,900 to the commissioners since 2010. John B. Hess, chief executive of Hess Oil, the state’s second-biggest oil producer, contributed $25,000 to Gov. Jack Dalrymple in 2012.

State regulators say they deliberately choose a collaborative rather than punitive approach because they view the large independent companies that dominate the Bakken as responsible and as their necessary allies in policing the oil fields. They prefer to work alongside industry to develop new guidelines or regulations when problems like overflowing waste, radioactive waste, leaking pipelines, and flaring gas become too glaring to ignore.

Daryl Peterson taste-tests the residue left by a wastewater spill on land he farms. The highly saline spill rendered the land useless. | Jim Wilson/The New York Times

Mr. Dalrymple’s office said in a statement: “The North Dakota Industrial Commission has adopted some of the most stringent oil and gas production regulations in the country to enhance protections for our water, air and land. At the same time, the state has significantly increased staffing to enforce environmental protections. Our track record is one of increased regulation and oversight.”

Researchers who study government enforcement generally conclude that “the cooperative approach doesn’t seem to generate results” while “the evidence shows that increased monitoring and increased enforcement will reduce the incidence of oil spills,” said Mark A. Cohen, a Vanderbilt University professor who led a team advising the National Commission on the BP Deepwater Horizon Oil Spill and Offshore Drilling.

With spills steadily rising in North Dakota, evidence gathered by The Times suggests that the cooperative approach is not working that well for the state, where the Industrial Commission shares industry oversight with the state’s Health Department and federal agencies.

One environmental incident for every 11 wells in 2006, for instance, became one for every six last year, The Times found.

Through early October of this year, companies reported 3.8 million gallons spilled, nearly as much as in 2011 and 2012 combined.

Over all, more than 18.4 million gallons of oils and chemicals spilled, leaked or misted into the air, soil and waters of North Dakota from 2006 through early October 2014. (In addition, the oil industry reported spilling 5.2 million gallons of nontoxic substances, mostly fresh water, which can alter the environment and carry contaminants.)

The spill numbers derive from estimates, and sometimes serious underestimates, reported to the state by the industry. State officials, who rarely discuss them publicly, sometimes use them to present a rosier image. Over the summer, speaking to farmers in the town of Antler, Lynn D. Helms, the director of the Department of Mineral Resources, announced “a little bit of good news”: The spill rate per well was “steady or down.” In fact, the rate has risen sharply since the early days of the boom.

Presented with The Times’s data analysis, and asked if the state was doing an effective job at preventing spills, Mr. Helms struck a more sober note. “We’re doing O.K.,” he said. “We’re not doing great.”

He noted it is a federal agency, the Pipeline and Hazardous Materials Safety Administration, that regulates oil transmission pipelines. “You can’t use the spills P.H.M.S.A. was responsible for and conclude my approach to regulation is not working,” he said.

[Editor:  MORE – click here to continue – GREAT INTERACTIVE GRAPHICS, DON’T MISS THIS – RS]

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